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A 

GENERAL HISTORY 

OF THE 

UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ; 

FROM THE DISCOVERY IN 

1492, to 1792: 

OR, 

SKETCHES OF THE DIVINE AGENCY, 

In their Settlement, Growth, and Protection ; and especially 
in the late 

MEMORABLE REVOLUTION. 

jy\T THREE VOLUMES. 
VOL I. 

EXHIBITING 

A General View of the Principal Events, from the Discovery of 
North America, to the Year 

1765. 
BY BENJAMIN TRUMBULL, D.D. 



PUBLISHED BY FARRAND, MALLORY, AND CO BOSTON; 

B. B. Hopkins and Co. Philadelphia; Lyman, Mallory, and Co. Portland: 

Williams and Whiting, New-York; P. H Nicklin and Co. 

Baltimore ; Beers, Howe, and Co. New-Haven ; 

O. D. Cook and Co. Hartford. 



S. T. Armstrong, printer. 
1810. 



District of Massachusetts : to wit, 

BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the thirtieth day of March, in the 
thirty fourth year of the Independence of the United States of Ameri- 
ca, FARRAND, MALLORY, & CO. of the said District, have de- 
posited in this Office the Title of a Book, the Right whereof they claim 
as Proprietors, in the Words following, to <wit : 

A General History of the United States of America, from the dis- 
covery in 1492, to 1792 ; or sketches of the divine agency, in their set- 
tlement, growth, and protection, and especially, hi the late memorable 
revolution. In three volumes. Vol I. exhibiting a general view, of 
the principal events from the discovery of North America, to the year 
1765. By Benjamin Trumbull, D. D 

In conformity to the Act of Congress of the United States, intitled, 
" An Act for the encouragement of Learning, by securing the Copies 
of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of 
such Copies, during the Times therein mentioned ;" and also to an 
Act intitled, An Act supplementary to an Act, intitled, An Act for the 
Encouragement of Learning, by securing the Copies of Maps, Charts, 
and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such Copies during the 
Times 'herein mentioned; and extending the benefits thereof to the 
Arts of Designing, Engraving, and Etching Historical, and other 

Prints." 

WILLIAM S. SHAW, 

Clerk of the District of Massachusetts. 



GENERAL HISTORY 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA ; 



FROM THE DISCOVERT IN 



1492, to 1792: 



SKETCHES OF THE DIVINE AGENCY, 

In their Settlement, Growth, and Protection ; and especially 
in the late 

MEMORABLE REVOLUTION. 

Z/V THREE VOLUMES. 
VOL I. 

EXHIBITING 

A General View of the Principal Events, from the Discovery of 
North America, to the Year 

1765. 
BY BENJAMIN TRUMBULL, D.D. 



PUBLISHED BY FARRAND, MALLORY, AND CO. BOSTON 

Samuel T Armstrong, printer. 
1810. 



* 



District of Massachusetts : to wit, 

BE IT REMEMBERED, that on the thirtieth day of March, in the 
thirty fourth year of the Independence of the United States of Ameri- 
ca, FARRAND, MALLORY, & CO. of the said District, have de- 
posited in this Office the Title of a Book, the Right whereof they claim 
as Proprietors, in the Words following-, to wit : 

A General History of the United States of America, from the dis- 
covery in 1492, to 1792 ; or sketches of the divine agency, in their set- 
tlement, growth, and protection, and especially, in the late memorable, 
revolution. In three volumes. Vol I. exhibiting a general view, of 
the principal events from the discovery of Worth America, to the year 
1765 By Benjamin Trumbull, D. D 

In conformity to the Act of Congress of the United States, intitled, 
" An Act for the encouragement of Learning, by securing the Copies 
of Maps, Charts, and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of 
such Copies, during the Times therein mentioned ;" and also to an 
Act inthled, An Act supplementary to an Act, intitled, An Act for the 
Encouragement of Learning, by securing the Copies of Maps, Charts, 
and Books, to the Authors and Proprietors of such Copies during the 
Times therein mentioned; and extending the benefits thereof to the. 
Arts of Designing, Engraving, and Etching Historical, and other 
Prints."' 

WILLIAM S. SHAW, 
Clerk of the District of Massachusetts . 



& 



CONTENTS 



THE FIRST VOLUME. 



CHAPTER I. 

Introduction. Sketches of the principal discoveries of North America ; 
of the state of the country when discovered ; of the character, man- 
ners, religion, government, language, probable numbers, and geo- 
graphical situation of the natives page 9 

CHAPTER II. 

Attempts of the French and Spaniards to make settlements in Carolina, 
Patent of Sir Walter Raleigh, and his attempts to plant a colony. 
Sketches of the patents, discovery, and settlement of Virginia, New 
York, Plymouth, Massachusetts, Maryland, Connecticut, and Rhode 
Island : and, of the principal occurrences attending their settle- 
ment - 51 

CHAPTER III. 

Oppression of the Virginians under the administration of Sir John 
Harvey. Another massacre by the Indians. War with them. Con- 
federation of the New England colonies. Their success in chris- 
tianizing the natives. The Virginians refusing obedience to the 
Lord protector, he despatches an armament against them. They 
capitulate. His different treatment of different colonies. Reduc- 
tion of New York. Injury by the king's commissioners. The set- 
tlement of New Jersey and the Carolinas. Indian war and depreda. 
tions in New England - 113 



IV CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER IV. 

Customs imposed on the colonies by act of parliament. The adminis- 
tration of Major Andros. Both oppress, and ereate general unea- 
siness. Claims of the Major on Connecticut. The colony make 
opposition and protest against his conduct. The Virginians distress- 
ed by the acts of trade, and government at New York ; the people 
are thrown into tumult ; Bacon excites rebellion Its unhappy 
consequences. Andros' treatment of the Jerseys. Quowarrantos 
are issued against the New England charters. I he oppressive ad- 
ministration of Sir Edmund Andros. Sir Edmund seized by the 
people at Boston. Joy excited by the accession of William and 
Mary to the throne of Britain 151 

CHAPTER V. 

The first assembly in New York. King James' treatment of the colo- 
ny. Leisler's usurpation. The settlement of New Hampshire, and 
its separation from Massachusetts. The settlement of Pennsyl- 
vania. The counties on the Delaware become a distinct juris- 
diction. Revolution in the Jerseys. Intrigue and corruption in the 
government of Carolina. Abuse of the French protestants. Estab- 
lishment of episcopacy, and persecution of the dissenters — 178 

CHAPTER VI. 

Ravages of the French and Indians in king William's and queen Anne's 
wars. Destruction of Schenectada, Salmon Falls, and Casco. The 
reduction of Port-Royal. Sir William Phips' unsuccessful attempt 
on Canada. Major Schuyler's expedition. The distressed state of 
New England. Armament from France, under the Marquis of Nes- 
mond for the reduction of Boston and New York. The remarka- 
ble preservation of New York and the country in general. The un- 
common cruelties of this war. Depredations and distressed state 
of New England in queen Anne's war. Expedition of Colonel 
Church. Expedition under Colonel Nicholson to Wood Creek. 
Reduction of Port Royal and Acadia. Expedition against Canada, 
under Admiral Walker and Brigadier Hill. The loss of New Eng- 
land in these wars, and their general effect on the country — 214 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER VII. 



Expedition against St. Augustine. Defeat of the French in Carolina. 
Palatines settle in North Carolina Massacre by the Corees and Tus- 
caroras. Expedition against them. General conspiracy of the In- 
dians against the Carolinians. War with them. Distressed state 
of the colony. It revolts from the proprietary government, and effects 
a revolution. Under the government of Great Britain enjoyed safety, 
prosperity, and general satisfaction 247 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Settlement of North Carolina. First voyage made to that country. 
Interview with the Natives. Their kindness. Settlement of Al- 
bemarle and Cape Fear. Revolt in Albemarle. Deed from the 
proprietors. Constitution of the colony. Palatines plant themselves 
on the Roanoke. The colony is purchased by the crown, and the 
government becomes regal. The plan and patent for the settlement 
of Georgia. Settlements made. Regulations of the trustees. Ex- 
pedition against St. Augustine. Spaniards invade Georgia and are 
defeated. The corporation surrender their charter and the govern- 
ment becomes regal. General observations relative to Georgia and 
the southern colonies . 266 



CHAPTER IX. 

War with the eastern Indians. Brunswick destroyed. Canso sur- 
prised, and seventeen vessels taken by the enemy. Attempts to 
engage the Five Nations in a war against the eastern Indians. The 
English take and burn Norridgewock. Peace made with the Ifi- 
dians. French war. Duviviere takes Canso. Expedition of the 
New Englanders against Louisburg. Remarkable deliverance of 
New England - 295 



VI CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER X. 



French war, 1755. Reasons of the war. Colonel Washington's ex r 
pedition. Convention at Albany. Expedition against Nova Scotia, 
Fort du Quesne, Crown Point, and Niagara. Success in Nova Sco- 
tia. General Braddock defeated by the French and Indians. Baron 
Dieskau defeated and taken by general Johnson. Unhappy divis- 
ion of the southern colonies. Colonel Bradstreet defeats a party of 
the enemy. Oswego taken. Inactivity of Lord Loudon. Conduct 
of the southern colonies. Comparison between the campaigns of 
1755 and 1756 339 



CHAPTER XI. 

Preparations for the campaign in 1757. Plan of operation in America 
changed, and Louisburg becomes its only object. This is rein- 
forced, and the expedition postponed. Fort William Henry taken 
by the French. The country is alarmed, and great reinforcements 
of militia sent forward to Albany and Fort Edward. The campaign 
closes with loss and shame. The provincials lose all confidence 
in the British commanders. Change of men, 1758. Armament 
against Louisburg. Its siege and capture by general Amherst. 
Defeat at Ticonderoga. Du Quesne taken by general Forbes - 369 



CHAPTER XII. 

Plan of the campaign, 1759. Expeditions against Ticonderoga and 
Crown Point, Niagara and Quebec. Ticonderoga and Crown Point 
abandoned. Niagara taken. Siege of Que bee. Action at the falls 
of Montmorenci. The camp removes to point Levi. The troops 
iand above the town. Battle of Quebec. Generals Wolfe and Mont- 
calm killed. Qiiebec surrenders. Movements of general Amherst 
nn lake Champlain 388 



CONTENTS. VH 



CHAPTER XIII. 



State of thegaYrison at Quebec. Designs of M. Levi. His prepara- 
tions for the siege of the city. Marches with his army from Mon- 
treal. Battle of Sillery. General Murray defeated, and Quebec 
besieged. Lord Colville arrives with the British fleet. The French 
shipping is destroyed, and the siege raised. 'Plan and movements 
of general Amherst. He goes down the river St. Lawrence. 
Makes a junction with generals Murray and Haviland, at Montreal. 
The city surrenders, and the whole country of Canada is con- 
quered. War breaks out with the Cherokees. Their lower towns 
destroyed. They take fort Loudon. Colonel Grant desolates their 
country with fire and sword. They make peace, and the whole 
country is quieted 409 



GENERAL HISTORY 



OP THE 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



CHAPTER I. 

CHAP. 

Introduction. Sketches of the principal discoveries of North America ; of I. 
the state of the country when discovered ; of the character, manners, re- ______ 

ligion, government, language, probable numbers, and geographical situation 
of the natives. 

V ERY conspicuous have been the exertions of 
Providence in the discovery of the new world, in the 
settlement, growth, and protection of the states and 
churches of North America. These challenge a 
grateful acknowledgment and perpetuation. It is 
the design of these sketches to trace them through 
the various periods, from the first discovery of the 
continent, to the present era, and to transmit them 
to succeeding ages, as a tribute of honour to their 
great and beneficent Author. 

In the prosecution of this design, it will be necessary 
to notice the first and progressive discovery of the 
country ; its state, with respect to cultivation, in- 
habitants, natural fruits, and advantages, when it was 
first known to the Europeans. The charters, boun- 
daries, settlement, and constitution of the colonies 
within the limits of the United States ; the dangers, 
hardships, and magnanimity of the first colonists ; the 
progress of settlement, cultivation, literature, and 
population ; with the principal occurrences, civil, mil- 
itary, and ecclesiastical, will also be exhibited. 

Vol. I. 2 



10 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. After that long period of ignorance and inactiv- 
L ity which succeeded the fall of the Roman empire, 
it was the will of Providence, in the fifteenth cen- 
tury, to awaken mankind to a more inquisitive, bold, 
and enterprising spirit, and to signalize this period 
by some of the greatest, most memorable, and happy 
events. Men now passed the limits within which 
they had been confined, in preceding ages, discover- 
ed new countries, and opened an immense field for 
the display of genius and courage. The Portuguese 
had the honour of leading in this career of usefulness 
and glory. Their discoveries roused the attention of 
Europe, and more and more fired its several nations 
with the spirit of discovery and enterprise. Christopher 
Columbus, a man of great and daring genius, highly 
skilled in geography and navigation, became strong- 
ly impressed with the idea of a westerly passage to 
Discovery tne Indies and of unknown regions, which time, art, 
of the new an j enterprise would soon discover. With this im- 

world, Oct. l P r i 

12th, 1492. pression, alter a course of such persevering exertions 
and magnanimity, as rarely find a parallel in the his- 
tory of man, he obtained the sole honour of descrying 
the western isles, and of communicating to Europe 
the intelligence of a new world. 
discover s The Cabots, John and Sebastian, stimulated by 
the north- t nt; success and glory of Columbus, made a success- 
nent, 1497. ful application to king Henry VII. of England, for 
ships and powers for the purpose of further discove- 
ry. To them was reserved the honour of first ex- 
ploring the great continent of North America. They 
ranged her coasts, from the fifty seventh degree of 
north latitude, to the Floridas. They discovered 
Canada, Nova Scotia, New-England and the south- 
ern states. They erected crosses along the coast, 
and took a formal possession of the country in behalf 
of the crown of England.* This, in the course of 
Providence, laid the foundation of the British claims 
and settlements in America. Progressive discove- 

* Prince's Cliron. p 80, and Smith's hist. New Jersey, p. 7,24,25. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. \\ 

ries were made by other adventurers ; especially by chap. 
captains Gosnold and Smith. *■ 

The Spaniards made early discoveries of some 
parts of the continent. In fifteen hundred and twelve, Spanish 
John Ponce de Leon discovered the continent in ijag^*™" 
thirty degrees and eight minutes of north latitude 
and took possession of the country naming it Flori- 
da. Twenty seven years after, Ferdinand de Soto 
sailed from Cuba, with nine hundred men, for the 
conquest of Florida. Arriving at Spiritu Santo, he 
made a tour into the country, to the northward, four 
hundred leagues, and discovered the great river Mis- 
sisippi.* Dying in the country, his successor, Al- 1539. 
verado, about three years after, constructed a num- 
ber of vessels and sailed down the river, making dis- 
coveries more than four hundred leagues. 

While the Spaniards were making discoveries in 
the southern parts of the continent, the French steer- 
ed a more northerly course. Francis I. of France, 
an enterprising prince, willing to share part of the 
new world with his neighbours, despatched John Ve- f 7eWe S d ' s ' 
razina, with several ships to make discoveries in 15*4. 
America. He sailed along the coast from twenty 
eight to fifty degrees of north latitude. Ten years 
after James Cartier was sent on the same business. He 
first came to anchor at cape Bonavista, and thence rang- 
ed the coast, to fifty degrees of north latitude. He made 
a discovery of various commodious harbours ; but 
found the climate so cold and the country so unin- 
viting, that he sailed back to the gulf of St. Lawrence; 
where, in the name of the most christian king, he 
took possession of several parts of the country. He 
made a voyage, the next year, and sailed up the riv- 
er to the great falls, which were supposed to be three 
hundred leagues from the mouth of St. Lawrence. 
He visited the island of Montreal, which, at that 
time, was the chief place of resort for all the Indians 
in Canada. It was then named Hochelaga. He 1536 « 

* Prince's Chron. p. 92. 



12 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, spent the winter in the country and explored the parts 
I; adjacent to the river.* 

From these various discoveries, originated the op- 
posite claims of the several courts of Britian, France, 
and Spain ; and the wars, which, for so many ages, 
embroiled this country, and occasioned such an ex- 
pense both of blood and treasure. For nearly a cen- 
Discovery tury, however, these claims lay dormant. In fifteen 
neg ec e . nun( j rec i an( j n \ ne ^ Henry the VII. was no more. 
The aifairs of divorce, matrimony, and the reforma- 
tion, engrossed the whole attention of Henry VIII. 
and the business of discovery, claim, and settlement 
Reasons of was entirely neglected by the English court. The 
thisnegiect. r i cnes G f the South drew the attention of the Spaniards. 
The long and bloody wars between Charles the V. 
emperor of Germany, and Francis I. gave the court 
of France ample employment. Besides, no prince, 
or statesman, in Europe, appears Jo have foreseen the 
advantages of planting colonies in this northern con- 
tinent. It presented no mines of gold or silver, nor 
were its mountains covered with spicery and balm. 
It was not conceivable, at that period, how nume- 
rous hardy colonies, could give such strength, opu- 
lence and grandeur to empires, as could never be de- 
rived from the gold and rich productions of the south- 
ern regions. Almost the only advantage arising from 
the discovery of North America was the fishery on the 
banks of Newfoundland. This was begun, by indi- 
viduals, early in the sixteenth century, but the ad- 
vantages, at first, were small. Many years elapsed 
before it was ripened into a system and became a 
national emolument. 

When the Europeans made the first discoveries of 
country 7 * e North America, it was a vast and dreary wilderness, 
when it was replete with wild and savage beasts, and with men, 
i^covere . fafe j ess w ^ an j sava ge than they. Here the pan- 
ther, the catamountain, the tyger, the black and white 
bear, the wild cat, the wolf, and other beasts of prey 

* Prince's Chron. p. 89, 90. and Wynn's hist, vol. I. p. 267, 768, 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 13 

poured out their alarming roar. The buffalo andthe elk, chap. 
the moose and the carabo rushed through her thick- L 
ets, the stag and the fallow deer ranged her moun- 
tains and leaped over her plains. The wild animals pect to an- 
lurking in her groves, the feathered tribes perching iraals - 
on her boughs, and the various species of fowls cov- 
ering her waters, were too numerous to particularize 
in the present work. America hath her full propor- 
tion of animals. Of two hundred species, which is 
the whole number supposed to exist upon the globe, 
the one half are aboriginal of America.* 

The surface of the earth, destitute of cultivation, Cultivation, 
was generally loaded with rank and exuberant vege- 
tation. Hidden, for ages, by extensive forests, from 
the purifying influence of the sun, the air became 
stagnant. In many places, putrid exhalations rose 
from the waters and low grounds, engendering dis- 
ease and death. By reason of the fall of timber, 
twigs, and foliage, little grass was to be found, except 
in the marshes, low grounds, and tracts partially clear- 
ed by the natives. However, the natural fruits and Fruits and 
advantages of the country were many. On the shore ;2j£. s * d " 
of the sea, on the banks of the rivers, by the brooks, 
and in the low grounds was an abundance of. vines 
and grapes. These were of various kinds. The grapes 
are described, by the discoverers, as lying on the 
green soil, on the plains, and sands, and as so hang- 
ing over the shore of the sea, that the tides overflow- 
ed them. They imagined, that in the whole world 
besides there was not the like abundance. Say they, 
" The woods are not such as you find in Bohemia, 
Muscovia, or Hercynia, barren and fruitless ; but 
the highest and reddest cedars in the world, better- 
ing them of the Azores, Indies, or Libanus : Pines, 
Cypress, Sassafras, the Lentisk bearing mastick, 
and many other of excellent smell."f In the south- 
ern parts were both the black and white mulberry, 
plumbs, crabs, melons, musk mellons, cucumbers, 

* Jefferson's notes, p. 60. + Smith's hist. p. 2. 



14 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, tobacco, corn, pease, beans, pumkins, squashes, pota- 
»• toes, and various kinds of esculent roots in abundance.* 
Acorns, walnuts, chesnuts, groundnuts, wild cher- 
ries, currants, strawberries, whortle berries, and other 
wild fruits, almost innumerable, grew in all parts of 
the United States. The discoverers relate, that the 
sweet flavour of America met, and agreeably salut- 
ed them, even before her shores or high lands were 
presented to their view.f 

The country abounded with rich intervals, exten- 
sive and fertile plains, adapted to all the purposes of 
husbandry, but none knew how to improve them. It 
had the finest groves and limber in the world, for 
building of every kind. It was interspersed with nu- 
merous rivers and lakes. Some of the latter were little 
inferior to the small seas of the old world, affording 
the most extensive inland navigation.^ Its coasts 
were washed more than a thousand miles by the At- 
lantic ocean. Its riches, in skins and furs, were 
scarcely equalled by those of any other part of the 
globe. It possessed all natural advantages for build- 
ing, trade, and navigation. But the Aborigines had 
made no improvements. They were in total igno- 
rance of their advantages. Beyond the hollow trough, 
or canoe, burnt out with fire, and wrought with sharp 
stones and shells, or made with the bark of birch 
trees, with ribs, and pitched over with tar and tur- 
" pentine, they had made no advances in navigation. 

Not known r fhe country yielded mines of copper, and abounded 

to the na- . . J J , , - 1 l ' ~ ! 

tives. in iron ores ; but they were so ignorant ol arts and 
manufactures, that they were not the possessors even 
of a knife, nor of any instrument of iron. 

* Smith's hist. p. 22, 26, 27, and Beverly's hist. p. 124, 125. 

f Smith's hist. p. 2. Voyage of Amidas and Barlow. 

i The several western lakes, are said, upon an accurate calculation, 
to contain the following number of acres. 

Lake Superior - - 21,952,780. Bav Puan - - 1,216,000. 

Lake of the woods 1,333,800. Lake Huron - 5,009,920. 

Lake Rain - - - 165,200. Lake Sinclair - 895,000. 

Red Lake - - 551,000. Lake Erie - - 2,622,800. 

Lake Michigan . 10,368,000. Lake, Ontario 2,390,000. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. \$ 

No public roads, no regular towns nor villages, no chap. 
gardens nor fields of inciosure, were to be found, in l - 
all the vast regions of this northern continent. Nei- 
ther oxen, cows, horses, sheep, nor any of the do- 
mesticated animals of the European nations, had 
been ever seen in them. During the many ages, 
which must have elapsed since the peopling of North 
America, no active genius had appeared, among 
its numerous nations, to teach and encourage arts, 
industry, a civil and comfortable manner of living. 

The waters of America are not less prolific than pishand 
the lands. Its seas, lakes, and various rivers were fowls - 
replete with an uncommon variety and plenty of ex- 
cellent fish. The whale, grampus, sturgeon, cod, 
salmon, sole, plaice, herring, shad, perch, pickerel, 
breams, trout, and numerous other kinds of fish, 
sported in its waters. Lobsters, crabs, shrimps, mus- 
cles, oysters, clams, and other shell fish enriched its 
shores and sands. 

An almost incredible number and variety of fowls 
covered its waters. Among these were geese, ducks 
of various kinds, widgeons, teale, and others suitable 
for the first table entertainments. 

The country was peopled with numerous tribes, Description 
or clans of Indians. They were generally tall, ^Jfoea ab °* 
strait, well shaped men. There was not, indeed, in Their stat- 
the southern, the same uniformity, in stature, as in ure ' 
the northern tribes. The Wighcocomicoes, and oth- 
ers bordering on them, were small. The Sasquesa- 
hanocks were uncommonly large. Smith saith, "such 
great and well proportioned men are seldom ever 
seen ; for they seemed like giants to the English." 
Five of their iveroiucinces, or kings, made him a 
visit. Of the largest of them he gives this descrip- 
tion. " The calf of whose leg was three quarters of 
a yard about, and all the rest of his limbs so an- 
swerable to that proportion, that he seemed the 
goodliest man we ever beheld."* The native in- 

* Smith's hist. p. 24. 



16 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 
I. 



Complex- 
ion. 



Constitu- 
tion. 



Genius. 



habitants of the mountains, in North Carolina, were of 
a gigantick stature.* The Indians, whether great or 
small, have the best limbs, and a good proportion. 
They are universally born white, but when grown, 
are of a copper brown. Their hair is strait, long, 
and very black. They have black eyes, a fine, white 
set of teeth, and tolerably good features. Their fa- 
ces and noses are generally broader, and less prom- 
inent, than those of the English. They have com- 
monly very thin beards, or none ; not so much from 
nature, as from a custom, which they have, of pul- 
ling them out by the roots, when they first make their 
appearance. They are healthful, firm, and vigorous ; 
capable of uncommon fatigues and hardships. They 
are full of agility : travel and run with uncommon 
ease and speed. f Their women are strong and mas- 
culine ; more inured to exercise and labour than the 
men : consequently they are more firm and capable 
of hardship. They endure the pains of child bear- 
ing without a groan. J Sometimes, soon after labour, 
they take their children on their backs, and travel as 
before. 

With respect to the general character of the na- 
tives, they were quick of apprehension, ingenious, and, 
in many instances, nothing could exceed their cour- 
tesy and friendship. Gravity and eloquence distin- 
guished them in council, bravery and address in war. 
In general, they were not more easily provoked, than 
the Europeans ; but when once they had received 
an injury it was never forgotten. In anger, they 
were not, like the English, talkative and boisterous, 
but sullen and revengeful. Nothing indeed, when 
they were exasperated, could exceed their revenge 
and cruelty. Their personal and passive fortitude 
was equal to their cruelty. They would defend 
themselves against an host of enemies, or be killed, 
rather than surrender even to those, who, they knew 



* Lawson's hist, of North Carolina, p. 82. 
f Hutch, vol. I. p. 465, * Neal's hist. N. E. vol. I. p. 45. 



UNITED STATES OP AMERICA. 17 

would give them good treatment. When in the chap. 
power of their enemies, they were never known to beg *• 
for life : on the contrary they court death.* Though 
they were gradually disjointed, or broken in pieces, 
though flayed or burnt alive, they neither groaned, 
nor exhibited any signs of timidity or sorrow, f They 
nevertheless had a keen sensibility : not only their 
women, but even their warriors, who wish to appear 
superior to human events, wept bitterly, for the loss 
of children and relatives.^ Treachery, indolence, 
inconstancy and improvidence, were also conspicu- 
ous traits in their character. § 

Their dress was various. In summer they were Dress, 
generally naked, except about the waist, which was 
covered with a piece of leather, with grass or leaves. 
In winter they clothed themselves with the skins of 
wild beasts, thrown about them like a mantle. Some 
clothed themselves with mantles of feathers, so cu- 
riously wrought, with threads, that the feathers only 
were discernible. These were both warm and beau- 
tiful. Their sachems and chief men, on days of fes- 
tivity and show, clad themselves with large mantles 
of deer skins, embroidered with white beads, 0rnameI ^- 
or copper ; or they were painted in various forms. 
As signs of royalty, they wore chains of fish bones 
about their necks, the skin of a wild cat, or some 
other terrible creature on their arms, or about their 
bodies. On the legs, hands, breasts, and faces of the 
women, were the figures of various living creatures, 
curiously wrought, with black spots, into the skin 
and flesh. They wore pendants of bracelets, chains 
and copper in their ears ; bracelets on their arms, 
and chains on their legs. The men wore pendants 

* Jefferson's notes, p. 108, 109. t Smith's hist. p. 38. 

\ Jefferson's notes, p. 109. 
§ Every part of this character might have been illustrated by parti, 
eular examples, and they are omitted, only for the sake of brevity. 
They may be found in Smith's ancient history of Virginia, in Wood's 
Prospect of New-England, in Colden's history of Canada, in Hub- 
bard's narrative, in Jefferson's notes on Virginia, and m ether writers 
en the subject. 

Vol. L 3 



18 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



Habita 
tions. 



chap, of copper, of living and dead animals in their ears. 
On their heads they wore the feathers and wings 

of fowls, with the rattles of snakes : and, sometimes 

the whole skin of a hawk, or of some strange fowl 
stuffed, with the wings spread. Their faces and 
shoulders were painted in various forms, and he was 
esteemed the bravest man, who could make the most 
monstrous and horrible appearance.* 

The Indian houses, or wigwams, were at best, 
but poor smoky cells. They were constructed, like 
arbours, of small young trees, bent and twisted to- 
gether, and so curiously covered with mats, or the 
bark of trees, that they were tolerably warm and dry. 
In the center was their fire ; and an opening at the 
top emitted the smoke. For the convenience of 
wood and water, they were commonly erected in 
groves, and near some river, brook, or living spring. 
When the wood failed, the owners changed their 
quarters. 

Their household furniture was as poor as their 
dwellings. They had neither pot nor kettle ; nei- 
ther chair nor stool, table nor napkin, but sat, ate, and 
lodged on the ground. Their beds were mats, or 
skins, on which, in the cold seasons, they lodged, 
with their feet always to the fire. Their hatchet was 
a stone somewhat in the form of the English hatch- 
et. Instead of an eye it had a neck, round which a 
withe was fastened for a handle. Their knives were 
sharp shells and the splinters of reeds. With these 
they scalped their enemies, flayed and disjointed 
their game, cut their hair, trimmed their feathers, 
sh iped their shoes, buskins and mantles. They 
planned and dressed their corn with the shells of oys- 
ters and clams, or with a stone hoe, or with a stick, 
broad and sharpened at one end. Between their 
hands and knees the women readily spun an even 
thread or cord, of the bark of trees, of the Indian 
hemp, or of the sinews of moose and deer. With this 



Utensils 



Smith's hist. p. 30. 38. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 19 

they made their lines and nets, for fishing, and the chap. 
strings of their bows. Their nets were small, but 
as formally wrought as those of the Europeans. 
Their fish hooks were made of bones, bent, or oth- 
erwise formed, much in the shape of the English 
fish hook. 

Their food was course and simple. Till the Eu- Food. 
ropeans visited them, they had neither bread nor 
salt. They fed on the flesh and entrails of moose, 
deer, bears, and all kinds of wild be sts and birds ; 
on fish, eels, and creeping things. They had good 
stomachs, and nothing came amiss. In the hunting 
and fowling seasons, they had venison, moose, buf- 
faloes, and fat bears : fish, turkeys, geese, and the 
like. In the summer, they had green corn, beans, 
pease and the various fruits which the country nat- 
urally produced.* In the winter they subsisted on 
corn, beans, fish, nuts, groundnuts, and other escu- 
lent roots. 

Their only way of cooking flesh or fish, was by cookery. 
roasting them on a stick, or broiling them on the 
coals. In the winter, they most commonly ate their 
corn parched. Sometimes, after parching they 
pounded it into a kind of coarse meal. They term- 
ed this Nuichicke ; which, saith Hutchinson, " Is 
well enough translated Nocake." With a small 
pouch of this they would support themselves, for seve- 
ral days, in their hunts and long marches, when des- 
titute of other supplies. They had no set meals ; 
but, like other wild creatures, ate when they were 
hungry. Sometimes they had little or nothing for a 
day or two. But, when they had provisions, they 
feasted: after fasting they indulged themselves free- 
ly, and made up, at one meal, all they had lost be- 
fore. 

The various tribes waged, with each other, fierce War 
and implacable wars. They fought not for lands nor 

* Pease and beans seem to have been natural productions of the 
-country. Ibid. p.28. See also Lawson's history of North. Carolina,p.76, 



2Q A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap riches; but for glory, women, and, principally, fof 
1 revenge. Their personal valour was great; but 
"^ they had little discipline. They had neither drum 
nor trumpet : their throats served them, on all occa- 
sions, where these were necessary. They had not 
only a surprising faculty of raising their voices, in 
wild and inarticulate sounds, but of making their 
words understood at a great distance. Singular was 
their address in ambushing, ensnaring, and surpris- 
ing their enemies. They commenced their battles 
in a sudden, furious manner, with the war hoop, or 
Indian yell, than which nothing could be more sav- 
age and terrible. Whenever they gained a victory, 
their route was marked with promiscuous carnage 
and destruction. The women and royalties of a con- 
quered sachem, were esteemed the property, and re- 
served for the use of the sachem, who made the con- 
quest. The Indians, in general, scalped, cut oifthe 
heads, and mangled the dead bodies of their enemies. 

ScfSes When they made captives, they offered them no 
mal-treatment ; but would rather starve themselves, 
than suffer them to want. Whether they were to be 
kept alive, or to be tortured to death, they fed them 
as well as circumstances would permit : and, some- 
times, feasted them previous to the most merciless 
torments. No instance is to be found of their hav- 
ing offered the least violence to the chastity of their 
female captives. Notwithstanding, their wretched 
prisoners underwent severe punishments, at their 
journey's end, before it was determined whether they 
should live or die : if it was determined that they 
should live, from that moment, they received the 
kindest treatment ; but if the determination was 
otherwise, they died in torments, to satiate the cruel- 
ty and revenge of their captors.* 

Their arms were bows and arrows, a wooden 

*^ * sword, and a tomahawk. Their bows were con- 
structed in the common form. Their arrows were 

* Coldep's vol. i. p. 9, 10. 



UNITED STATES OP AMERICA. 21 

made of straight sticks, reeds, or stalks of elder, chap. 
headed with bone, or a hard, flinty stone, fastened l - 
with cords and glue.* They rarely missed their ' 
mark, and their arrows did execution. Their toma- 
hawk was either a club with a knob at one end, a 
stone hatchet, or a stick with a piece of a deer's horn 
fixed atone end, like a pickaxe. The southern In- 
dians used round targets made of bark. f The Mo- 
hawks covered themselves with the skin of the sea 
horse, for a defence against the arrows of their ene- 
mies.! 

The Indian men were indolent, and disdained to 
labour. They diverted themselves with hunting, Diversion*, 
fishing, fowling, shooting at marks, leaping, dancing, 
and the like exercises. At their dances, which were 
commonly performed round a great fire, they were 
painted and dressed in the most frightful manner; 
especially, in their war-dances. In these they sang 
their own, and their ancestors' heroic feats ; repre- 
senting the manner of their performance, and 
wrought themselves up to an inexpressible degree 
of martial rage and enthusiasm. 

They put all the labour upon their women. They Abuse of 
builded their houses, planted, dressed and gathered the women. 
in their corn. They gathered their wood, and bore it, 
on their shoulders to their wigwams. They bore home 
the venison, fish and fowl, or whatever game their hus- 
bands took in hunting or fishing. In journeying or 
marching, they carried their children and bore their 
burdens. Notwithstanding the churlishness and in- 
humanity of their haughty lords, they wrangled not 
with them, but were mild and obedient. They con- 
tented themselves, with their helpless condition, es- 
teeming it the woman's portion. 

When a young Indian wished for conjugal connex- Courtship 
ions, he presented the girl by whom he was enam- at 
oured with bracelets, belts, and chains of wampum ; 

* They made glue of deer's horns and sinews, which Smith says, 
would not dissolve with cold water. Hist. Virginia, p. 31. 

t Smith's hist. Virg. p. 31- ± Hutch! hist, vol. i. 464, 



age. 



22 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



Concu- 
feines. 



chap, and if she received them they lived together, for a 
*• time on trial, enjoying the fruits of their love. If they 

pleased each other, they were joined in marriage ; 

but, if after a few weeks, they were not suited, the 
man, leaving his presents, quitted the girl and 
sought another mistress ; and she another humble 
servant. Thus they courted until two met, who 
were agreeable to each other. The accompanying 
of a suitor in this manner, detracted nothing from the 
honour of the girl. Before marriage, the consent of 
the sachem was obtained, and he, always, joined the 
hands of the young pair in wedlock. 

Among the five nations polygamy was not custom- 
ary;* but the Indians in general kept many concu- 
bines, and never thought they had too many wom- 
en. | They chose them agreeably to fancy, and 
put them away at pleasure. When a sachem grew 
weary of any of his women, he bestowed them on 
some of his favourites, or chief men. But the In- 
dians had one wife, who was the governess of the 
family, and whom they generally kept during life. 
In cases of adultery, the husband either put away the 
guilty wife, or satisfied himself by the infliction of 
some severe punishment. Husbands and wives, 
parents and children, lived in the same wigwam, with- 
out any apartments, and made no privacy of such ac- 
tions, as even the chaster animals keep from public 
view. 

The manner of burial, and mourning for the 
dead, seem to have been nearly the same, in all parts 
of the continent. The most common way of burial 
was to dig holes in the ground, with sharpened stakes; 
in the bottom of which sticks were laid across, and 
the corpse, wrapped in skins and mats, was laid up- 
on them. The arms and treasures of the dead, 
their utensils, paint, and ornaments, were put into the 
same holes with themselves, and a mount of earth 
was raised upon them all. In some parts of NeW- 



Manner 
burial. 



* Colden's hist. vol. i. p. 13. f Neal's hist. N. E. vol. i. p. 38. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 2S 

England, and among the five nations, the dead were chap. 
buried in a sitting posture, with their faces towards L 
the east. Their women blacked their faces, with J 
coal and oil, on these mournful occasions, and dur- 
ing the burial, the friends of the dead made the most 
doleful and hideous lamentations. Their mourning 
continued, night and morning for several days ; in 
which ail the relatives bore a part. 

Some of the Indians had a custom, at certain peri- Burial or 
ods, of collecting the bones of their dead and of bury- ones ' 
ing them, in a sort of strata, or beds, one above 
another, under covers of stone and earth, till they 
raised a hillock eight, ten, or twelve feet in altitude. 
Jefferson, in his description of one of these barrows, 
as he terms them, says, " It was of a spheroidical 
form, of about forty feet diameter, at the base, 
and had been about twelve feet in altitude." Upon 
examination, he conjectured that it contained P 
thousand skeletons.* The bones lay in such pro- 
miscuous confusion, as excited the idea, that they 
were emptied from sacks or baskets, and buried in 
that state of disorder. From the state of the bones, 
in the several beds, it appeared that they were buried 
at different times. These repositories of bones are 
to be found all over Virginia. 

The natives had a sort of money, called wampum. Money. 
It consisted of small beads, very curiously wrought 
out of shells, perforated in the centre so that they 
might be strung on belts, in chains, and bracelets. 
These were of several sorts. The Indians in New- 
England made black, blue, and white wampum. Six 
of the white beads, and three of the black, or blue 
ones, passed for a penny. The five nations make 
another sort which are of a purple colour. The white 
ones are wrought out of the inside of the great conchs; 
and the purple, out of the inside of the muscle shell : 
These are now woven, or strung in broad belts ; 

* Notes on Vug. p. 173, 175 



•^4 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, and in their treaties, are given as a confirmation of 
. their speeches, and as the seals of friendship.* 
,,. ~ , As tobacco was a natural production of the coun- 

fipes and . » r _ , 

tobacco, try, the natives were great smokers. 1 obacco pouch- 
es hung at their backs, and pipes were their insepar- 
able companions. These pipes were made of wood 
and stone. Some of them were wrought in a very 
curious manner, and on them were carved the fig- 
ures of birds and various living creatures. 

Religion. The natives believed the existence of a God and 
a future state. They worshipped a great variety of 
deities ; such as the fire, water, thunder, and light- 
ning, and any thing, which they conceived to be su- 
perior to themselves, and capable of doing them an 
injury. They even worshipped the horses, great guns, 
and muskets of the Europeans, when they came first 
among them. They believed that there was one su- 
preme Gon, the Preserver and Lord of the universe. 
But they payed their principal devotion to the evil 
spirit, whom they called Hobbamocko. They seem 
to have conceived, that the supreme God, whom 
they called Kichtan, was good, and that Hobbamocko 
was evil, and did them mischief ; and so, from fear, 
they worshipped him, to keep him in good humour. 
They did not appear to have any notions of a sabbath, 
or to regard one day more than another. In times 
of great distress, on the account of famine, sickness, 
or fear of their enemies ; and at times of triumph 
and of the ingathering of their fruits, the whole 
country, men, women, and children, came together 

Manner of to their solemnities. The manner of their devotion 

devotion. was tQ sm g an( j c | ance r0 und great fires, kindled 

in their houses or fields ; sometimes, all shouting 
aloud together. They often continued these exer- 
cises incessantly, for four or five hours, f The 
Powhatans, in Virginia, and the Narragansets, in 
Rhode-Island, appear to have been the most super- 
stitious of all the Indians, on the continent. Smith 

* Cplden's hist. vol. i. p. 3,4, and 71. j Smith's hist. Virg. p. 35,36. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 25 

represents, that nearly three parts of the year, the chap. 
Virginia Indians observed times and seasons.* In L 
every territory of a Werowance there was a temple 
filled with the images of their kings and of evil 
spirits. These temples were built arbour- wise, and 
nearly sixty feet in length. They were esteemed 
so sacred, that none but kings and priests might 
enter them. The god whom the Indians of New- 
England called Hobbamocko, the Virginia Indians 
called Okee. A common savage durst not pass 
one of his temples, even in boats, without solemnly 
casting pieces of copper, white beads, or pocones 
into the river, for fear he would be offended, and 
revenge the affront, 

Seven priests ministered in some of these temples. Priests, 
The chief priest was distinguished, from the other 
six, by his extraordinary head-dress. This was 
made of twelve or sixteen snake skins, with the skins 
of weasels and other vermin, the tails of which, 
meeting on the crown of the head, formed a large 
tassel. Round this was gathered a crown of feath- 
ers. The skins hung down over his neck and 
shoulders, and almost covered his face. The priests 
were all painted in the most deformed manner which 
could be devised ; and every one held a rattle. The 
chief priest began their songs ; sometimes he broke 
out into invocations, with starts and strange pas- 
sions ; and when he paused the rest would utter 
short groans. f 

In Virginia, the Indians had altars, or large stones Altars aua 
on which they offered blood, deer's suet, and tobacco. Sacrifices. 
These were erected by their houses, in the woods 
and wilderness, where any thing extraordinary had 
happened : and they served them not only as altars, 
but as the best records of their antiquities. In great 
storms, when the waters in the sea and rivers were 
rough and tumultuous, they threw copper, tobacco, 
and the like articles into the waters, with a kind of 

* Smith's hist. Virg, p. 29. t P« 35 - 

Vol. I. 4 



) 



26 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, infernal yell and invocation, to appease the incensed 
!• gods. They had also an annual sacrifice of male 

children. While the ceremony attending their 

dedication was performing, the women wept ar.d 
cried out in the highest transports of female tender- 
ness. They prepared mats, skins, moss, and other 
articles for the funerals of their children. Whether 
the children were all slain, or whether part of them 
were reserved for priests and conjurers, could not be 
determined.* So deluded were these unhappy men, as 
to believe that unless they made this barbarous sacri- 
fice, their Okee, and the other gods, would not suffer 
them to have either harvests, venison, turkeys, or fish ; 
but that they would make great destruction among 
them. 

The Narrhagansetts, as well as the southern In- 
dians,had their temples for devotion. These were shut 
against all but the powaws, unless at the times of 
their public solemnities. Then vast crowds flock- 
ed to them, and offered their best treasures ; skins, 
hatchets, and utensils of all kinds, in sacrifice to 
their god. The priests took all their offerings, and 
cast them into a great fire, in which they were 
burned to ashes. Many of the devout Indians 
dedicated their children to the gods, to be educated 
for powaws, or priests. 

Coveru- The Indian government, in general, was absolute 

monarchy. The will of the sachem was his law. 
The lives of his subjects were all in his power. 
But in all important affairs, he consulted his coun- 
sellors j who, when they had given their opinions, 
referred the decision of every matter to him. What- 
ever his determinations were, they applauded his 
wisdom, and without hesitation carried his orders 
into execution. In council, the deportment of the 
sachems was grave and majestic, even to admira- 
tion. The conduct of their servants was equally 

Paniese, or respectful and submissive. The counsellors of the 

counsellors. 

* Smith's hist. p. 36. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 27 

sachem were not only the most wise and courageous, chap. 
but, generally, the largest men, in his dominion. I - 

They were not only his counsellors, but the im- 

mediate guard of his person. The New-England 
Indians, termed these counsellors, the pamese. To 
keep up an order so honourable and important, as 
these were esteemed among them, the most prom- 
ising boys were chosen, and with great care trained 
up in the observation of peculiar rites and customs. 
They were made to abstain from all curious meats, 
to drink the juice of bitter herbs ; were beaten with 
sticks on their legs, and obliged to run through 
brambles and thorny bushes, to render them hardv, 
and more acceptable to Hobbamocko.* Though 
the natives had no written laws, yet they had cus- 
toms, which, in some measure, obtained the force 
of law. According to these, an attempt upon the life 
of the sachem, a gross act of disobedience, or insult 
offered to his person, and murder, were capital 
crimes. The punishment of the former of these, 
was scalping, disjointing, and flaying them alive ; Punigh . 
or binding and roasting them alive, on heaps of ments. 
burning coals. f The punishment of the latter was 
knocking the murderer on the head. Injustice was 
punished according to the number of times, in which 
the delinquent had been found guilty. For the first 
offence, he was, in the most disgraceful and hu- 
miliating manner, reproached for his knavery ; for 
the second, he was cudgelled on the naked body ; 
for the third, besides a sound drubbing, his nose 
was slit, that all for the future might know and 
avoid him. The sachem was generally both the 
judge and the executioner.^ 

The five nations were distinguished, by their gov- Govem- 
ernment, from all the other Indians on the continent. £jyj a J th s e 
This was entirely republican. The authority of 
their rulers was gained and supported, by the opin- 

* Neal's hist. N.E. vol. i. p. 39, 40. f Smith's hist. Virg. p. 38. 
i Neal's hist. N. E. p. 42, 43. 



23 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, ion, which the nation had of their wisdom, courage, 
*■ and integrity. Honour and esteem were their re- 
wards ; shame and contempt their punishments. 
They were confederate nations, joined in a perpetual 
league, in which all had equal authority and influ- 
ence. Their union was so ancient, that its origin 
was unknown. Like the Romans, they always 
strengthened themselves, by the admission and incor- 
tisteem of poration of other nations among them. They imagine 
themselves, themselves, by nature, superior to the rest of mankind. 
They haughtily styled themselves Ongue-honwe, men 
surpassing all others. For time immemorial, they 
have been the terror of all the other Indians of 
North America. Since the settlement of New- 
England, if a single Mohawk was discovered in the 
country, the other Indians, from hill to hill, raised 
the cry, A Mohawk ! A Mohawk ! Whatever dis- 
parity there was in numbers, they fled, without the 
least resistance. Sometimes when they fled to the 
English houses for protection, the Mohawks entered 
with them, and knocked them on the head, in the 
presence of the family.* But they did no injury 
to the christians ; and, if the doors were shut, they 
never made a forcible entry. 
Indian eio- The Indians, not only of the five nations, but 
quence. generally, were much given to speech-making. 
With them, war and eloquence were the foundations 
of all consequence. To these acquirements, there- 
fore, the whole force of their genius was directed. 
In council, their opinions were given in set speeches; 
and to persons whom they respected, at meeting and 
parting, they addressed their compliments in formal 
harangues. The Indians of the five nations used no 
labials ; but thought it laughable indeed, for men to 
shut their mouths, that they might speak. 

The Indian language was replete with gutturals 
and strong aspirations, which rendered it peculiarly 
bold and sonorous. Their speeches, like those of 

* Coldeifs hist. vol. i. p. I, 2, 3. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 2£ 

the eastern nations, abounded with metaphors, and chap. 
some of them, perhaps, are equal to any recorded in L 
ancient or modern history.* Their manner of speak- 
log was with uncommon animation and vehemence. 
Great was the deference which they observed in Deference 
their conversation, one with another, and in their ™5« 
public speeches ; especially in their treaties between 
nations. In the former they were pleased with sal- 
lies of wit and humour, but in a public treaty, any 
thing of this nature gave disgust, and left the im- 
pression of a light and inconsiderate mind. 

The Indians have been represented by some wri- First treat- 
ters, as the most sordid and contemptible part of the Eng^. 1110 
human species ; as the very ruins and dregs of 
mankind. However, in justice to their character, it 
ought to be observed, that on the first arrival of the 
English, both in Virginia and New-England, they 
treated them with great kindness. In Virginia, 
they carried them on shore upon their backs, that 
they might not wet themselves in wading from their 
boats ; they washed their clothes and even their 
feet ; and feasted them in the best manner of which 
they were capable. The writers of those times say, 
" A more kind and loving people cannot be."f 
In New-England, they made them welcome to their 
cabins, by good treatment and the best provisions 
they could furnish. They taught them how to 
plant and cultivate the Indian corn : and, when 
any of them were lost in the woods, and otherwise 
must have perished, they fed, and conducted them 
safely to their quarters. :£ Faithless as they have 
been represented, Massasoiet, and his successors, 
kept good faith with the English for nearly half a 
century. The five nations have maintained their 
confederation, with each other, inviolate, for time im- 
memorial. They maintained, with the utmost punc- 
tuality, their treaties with the Dutch of New- York 

* Witness the speech of Logan, published by Jefferson, and the 
speech of Garangrila, published by Golden. Vol. i. p. 70, 73. 

f Smith's Hist. Virg. p. 3, 4. * Hutch. Vol. i.p. 468. 



30 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, and Albany, from their commencement, till the 
English became masters of the province, and the 
Dutch government ceased. With equal punctuality, 
did they afterwards keep them, with the English, un- 
til the late memorable revolution. 

The little progress which they had made in arts 
and civilization, appears not to have been owing so 
much to want of genius, as to a combination of other 
circumstances. When their children have been put 
to English schools, they have appeared no less active, 
witty, and apt to learn, than the English boys. In 
writing they have often excelled them. 
Numbers of With respect to the number of the natives, when 
rigines!° the Europeans commenced an acquaintance with 
them, it is impossible to give an accurate account. 
Some of the accounts published have been rather ro- 
mantic than judicious and accurate. Doctor Mather 
represents, and from him Mr. Neal, that there were 
millions of them. Indeed they represent the Mo- 
hawks as having destroyed more than two millions, at 
the westward, between New-England and the Missi- 
sippi.* But it is not probable, that there was 
one quarter of that number, in all that part of the 
country, east of said river. In the wild manner in 
which the natives lived, principally, by hunting, fish- 
ing, and the natural productions of the earth, a large 
tract was necessary for the support of a small number 
of inhabitants. Their settlements could not be thick 
and populous. 
East of the From the several lists of their numbers, made by 
Missisippi. Croghan, Bouquet, Hutchins, and Dodge, in 1759, 
1764, 1768, and 1779, it appears, that the whole 
number, at that time, discovered within the limits, 
and west and north of the United States, amounted 
only to about eighty thousands. Full half this num- 
ber inhabit within the boundaries of the United States. 
_ ,, TT '. Their numbers when the Europeans commenced 

In the Unit- , . . . l rp, 

ed states, their settlements are much more uncertain. 1 here 

* Magnalia and Neal's history of New England. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 3J 

are, however, some data by which we may, perhaps, chap. 
form a tolerable estimate. In Virginia they were, in L 
part, numbered at an early period. In New Eng- 
land, the Carolinas, and some other parts of the coun- 
try at certain periods, calculations were made of the 
number of their warriors. These will reflect light on 
the subject. According to captain Smith's account 
of Virginia, the country from the sea coast to the 
mountains, was inhabited by forty-three different 
tribes of Indians.* Thirty of these tribes spread 
over a tract of country, south of the Patowmac, be- 
tween the falls of the rivers and the sea coast, con- 
taining about eight thousand square miles. These 
were united in a grand confederacy under Powhatan, 
the great werowance or sachem of the country. The 
same author informs us that within sixty miles of 
Jamestown, were five thousand people, and fifteen 
hundred warriors. f The whole number of inhabi- Their pop- 
tants between the sea coast and the falls seems to have y? u ° n ; in 
been about eight thousand, and the number of war- 
riors about two thousand and four hundred. The pro- 
portion of warriors, to the whole number of inhabi- 
tants, was as three to ten. The Powhatan confeder- 
acy consisted of eight thousand inhabitants ; about 
one to every square mile. This is about the twenti- 
eth part of the population of Virginia, in the same ex- 
tent of territory, about the fiftieth part of the popu- 
lation of Connecticut, and a hundreth part of that of 
the British islands. On supposition that the popu- 
lation of the natives had been equal to one in every 
square mile throughout the whole territory of the 
United States, their numbers would have amounted 
to a million of people. But, that they were every 
where thus populous is not probable. Their princi- 
pal settlements were evidently on the sea coasts, riv- 
ers, lakes, and tracts peculiarly adapted to hunting, 
fishing, and their wild manner of living. In many 
parts of the country there were few or no settlements. 

* Smith's hist. Virginia, p. 23, 24, 25. f Hist, of Virginia, p 29. 
/ 



32 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. Probably, their population far back in the country 
L was not very different from what it is at present. 
Their diminution by strong drink, or any other sup- 
posable cause, in the unsettled parts of it, since the 
arrival of the Europeans, has not, perhaps greatly 
exceeded the accessions made to them, by those who 
have removed, or been driven back, from the sea 
coasts and various parts now settled by the Ameri- 
cans. 
Probable Allowing their population in the New England 
the time of States, and a hundred miles back from the sea coast 
settlement. mtQ tne country in all the others, to have been equal 
to that in Virginia, their numbers would have 
amounted to a hundred and twenty three thousand. 
In the New- England states are about forty-nine 
thousand square miles. The states south of them 
will measure,on a straight line, upon the sea coast,about 
seven hundred and forty miles. If we reckon them 
to extend back into the country a hundred miles, we 
shall make seventy four thousand square miles. 
These numbers added to each other will make the 
number mentioned. If we estimate them by the 
number of their warriors and some other circumstan- 
ces of which we have tolerable information, their 
numbers will not appear very different from the above 
statement. 

In Virginia, beside the Powhatan confederacy, 
there were two others ; the confederacy of the 
Mannahoacks, and that of the Monacans. These two 
confederacies were united in one grand combination 
against the Powhatans. Against these they main- 
tained implacable and perpetual wars. This confed- 
eracy consisted of thirteen tribes ; eight under the 
Mannahoacks, and five under the Monacans. Though 
this confederacy consisted of a less number of 
tribes, than that of the Powhatans, yet it seems they 
were nearly equal in numbers and power. Exclu- 
fiiVirgnua. sive of these there were the Nottoways, Meherricks, 
the Tuteloes and some other clans. Counting them 
all to be equal in number to the Powhatans, the Vir- 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 3$ 

ginia Indians may be estimated at sixteen thousands, chap. 

The Indians in the Carolinas and Georgia were L 
more numerous than in Virginia. In 1768, the 
number of Indians in North Carolina, was four in North 
thousand seven hundred. The Tuscaroras only, CaroUna * 
amounted to three thousands. Among these were 
twelve hundred gun men. Two fifths of all these 
Indians were accounted to be warriors or gun men.* 

In South Carolina the Indians were very numer- in South 
ous. In 1715, the warriors who rose against the Carolma - 
colony were estimated at nearly seven thou sands, f 
As late as 1671, the Cherokees only were estimated 
at six thousand bow men.| Besides these there 
were several other powerful tribes ; as the Corees, 
Stonoes, Westoes, Serannas, Yamosees, Cataw- 
baws,and Congarees. All these tribes, according to the 
accounts given of them, could not be less numerous 
than the Cherokees. The number of Indians in this 
colony, at the time of settlement, probably was not less 
than thirty five or six thousands. If all the other In- 
dians were equal in numbers to the Cherokees, there 
would have been twelve thousand warriors. On an 
average we may not reckon more than one warrior 
to three inhabitants. This is a medium between the 
estimates which have been made. 

The number of Indians in Georgia, perhaps w r as in Georgia, 
not very different from what it is at present. Great 
accessions were made to their numbers by the Yam- 
osees and other Indians driven from Carolina. In 
1 1 32, the Creeks only amounted to about twenty 
five thousand souls. $ Besides these there are the 
Chickasaws,the Chacktaws, Alibamous, and Natchez. 
Galphin in his history of numbers,in 1768, makes them 

* Lawson's history of North Carolina, p. 235. 
i Hist. S. Carolina, vol. i. p. 201—223. ± Ibid. p. 297. 

§ Hist. S. Car. vol. ii. p. 20. These were always considered as in 
South Carolina, until after the year 1761. The treaty of peace between 
the Cherokees and the English was made by the governour of South 
Carolina, and his council in 1761. I shall therefore speak of them, 
as other historians have done, as being in South Carolina, until the 
proclamation of George III. in 1763, in consequence of which they 
are within the limits of Georgia. 

Vol. I. 5 



34 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, ten thousand two hundred and fifty. This seems to 

L have been the number of their warriors. Morse in 

his Geography reckons them at ten thousand four 

hundred and seventy six fighting men, and at thirty 

one thousand one hundred and twenty eight souls. 

Some small clans are not in his reckoning. The 

Indians in Georgia, at the time, when the English 

settlements commenced, were not less than thirty 

Whole four or five thousands. Thus there appears to have 

and south ' been about ninety thousand Indians in that tract of 

mar° tow * country lying upon and south of the Potowmac. 

In the country north of the falls of Potowmac to 
the Kittatinney mountains,including the states of Del- 
aware, and Pennsylvania, and that part of New- York 
below the highlands, the Indians were much less nu- 
merous. In a pamphlet entitled " A Description of 
between New- Albion," thirty kings are mentioned as living 
that and within these limits. Particular mention is made of 

JNe\v-t>n- , . 

gland. ten tribes and'of their number of men extending along 
the sea coast and rivers two hundred miles. Their 
whole number amounted only to about nine hundred 
men. The two Rariton kings are distinguished from 
these, and are said to have twelve hundred. The 
Susquehanna Indians, when captain Smith discov- 
ered them, about forty years before, consisted of six 
hundred men ; but at this period were reduced to 
about one hundred. They and the Indians in alli- 
ance with them amounted only to two hundred and 
fifty. The largest number of warriors mentioned by 
any author, in this tract, is two thousand. It is not 
therefore probable that the whole number of natives 
within this territory exceeded eight or ten thou- 
sands.* The five nations had, for a long time, terri- 
bly harrassed and depopulated this part of the coun- 
try. These, with the other nations north of this ter- 
ritory, within the limits of the state of New- York, 
probably, amounted to ten thousands more. 

* Maryland was originally of Virginia, and the Indians inhabiting 
in that territory are included in Virginia, or the tract under the de- 
scription of New-Albion. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 35 

In Connecticut the Pequots and Mohegans had a chap. 
thousand warriors. About the year 1670, the In- 
dian warriors, within the limits of Windsor, were In "^ nnect . 
estimated at two thousands. Besides these there icut 
were other large bodies of Indians in the colony. 
Their numbers cannot be estimated at less than ten 
or twelve thousands. 

The Narragansetts, in Rhode-Island, were a nu- in Rhode 
merous tribe. About the time, that the English set- Islam 
tied at Plymouth, their fighting men were computed 
at five thousands.* This account was doubtless ex- 
aggerated. From a more perfect knowledge of their 
territory and numbers afterwards, it appeared im- 
probable that their numbers were ever so great. In 
1675, when the English had obtained a more accu- 
rate knowledge of them they were estimated at two 
thousand warriors. About one half of this number had 
fire arms.f The Wampanoags, a considerable tribe, 
were partly within the limits of Rhode- Island. The 
number of Indians therefore originally within the 
limits of this state could not have been less than 
eight thousands. 

The Indians in the Massachusetts had been ex- in Mass*- 
ceedingly wasted both by sickness and war ; yet, in chusetts - 
some parts of it, they were considerably numerous. 
It appears by governour Hinkley's" account, in 1685, 
that there were more than four thousand Indians 
within the limits of the county of Plymouth. Ex- 
clusive of these, there were many other tribes and 
sachemdoms, within the limits of Massachusetts. It 
is probable that the whole number was ten or twelve 
thousands. 

The New-Hampshire Indians had been greatly in New- 
diminished not only in wars with the Massachusett amps ire 
and other Indians, but by civil wars among them- 
selves. Probably their numbers did not exceed four 
thousands. These computations make the whole Total 
number within the limits of the United States ahun- amount - 

■ Prince's Chron. p. HQ. f Hubbard's Narrative, p. 126. 



36 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, drecl and forty six thousands. Accounting one third 
L to be bow men, there were nearly fifty thousand war- 
riors ; twelve thousands in New- England, and nearly 
thirty eight in the middle and southern states. Sup- 
posing their original numbers were double to this, of 
which there is no probability, from the most accu- 
rate accounts given of them, they were indeed small, 
in comparison with die exaggerated accounts which 
some have published. 
Reasons of A combination of circumstances prevented 
population tne i r population. The poverty of their living was 
extreme. To bread, butter, cheese, and every thing 
of the milky kind, they were entire strangers. They 
drank nothing more nutritious than the waters which 
flowed in the brook, or spout d from the spring. 
Not only in their parties of hunting and war, but 
even at home, they often lived upon the gleanings of 
the forest. At times they experienced famine some 
parts of the year. This enfeebled and rendered them 
less productive. A few fat pastures will produce 
more cattle, than a whole country of forests will of 
bears ahd buffaloes. The extreme hardships of the In- 
dian women, their long and hungry marches and jour- 
nies, rendered the bearing and nursing of children 
extremely inconvenient. The furious and perpetual 
wars of the natives among themselves also continu- 
Gf their ally lessened their numbers. After the arrival of the 

diminution. T71 .. • • ^i • • 1 i 

Europeans, it was, in many instances, tneir wicked 
policy, to promote these wars, for their own advan- 
tage. They have been also exceedingly wasted in 
their wars with the colonies. The driving of them 
back from the sea coasts, and the great diminution 
of wild game, of all sorts, since the settlement of 
the country, has increased the poverty and wretched- 
ness of their livins:, which has been a still further 
check upon their population. Above ail, they are 
supposed to have been wasted, by the introduction 
of strong liquors among them. From an union of 
all these causes, they have been constantly diminish- 
ing, from the first settlement of the country to the 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 37 

present period. Of the numerous nations which chip. 
spread the islands and sea coasts very few have now L 
an existence. Of the most of them there is not a 
vestige. 

Some notices of the geographical situation of the 
Indian nations may render the present history more 
perspicuous and agreeable. 

The Povvhatans were situated on James river about ^co-rapU- 
Henrico. The river was originariy called Powhatan, ^o„. bl "*" 
from the great Werowance of the country and his 
Indians. The seat of his hereditary dominions Mas 
on the river about a mile below the falls. It was on 
an eminence upon the north side of the river facing 
two pleasant islands. From its extremely agreeable 
situation, the English seem to have called it None- in Virginia. 
such. He had another seat at Werowoeomico. 
This was on the north side of York river in the coun- 
ty of Glocester, nearly opposite to the mouth of 
Queen's creek, about twenty-five miles below the 
fork of the river. 

Powhatan was a tall, well proportioned man. His 
constitution was exceedingly strong and hardy. His 
countenance was grave and sour, and he possessed 
great natural art and cunning. A guard of forty or 
fifty of the tallest men, which could be found among 
his warriors, constantly attended his savage majesty. 
A regular sentry was kept every night on the four 
quarters of his house. He kept as many women as 
he pleased. His concubines were about as numer- 
ous as his guards. When he slept one of his women 
always sat at his head and another at his feet. When 
he sat he had one at his right hand and another at his 
left. When he dined or supped, one brought him 
water to wash his hands, and another waited, with a 
bunch of feathers, to wipe them. At times of show- 
he clothed himself with a robe of skins as large as 
an Irish mantle, seated himself on a bed of mats, with 
a pillow of leather embroidered with pearl and white 
beads. Besides the two women on his right and 
left, twenty others were ranged on each side the roy- 



38 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, al house.* Powhatan, Arrowwhattoc, Appamattoc, 
*• Pamunkey, Youghtanund, and Mattapoment were 
territories which descended to him from his ances- 
tors. The other parts of his dominion were gained by 
conquest. He was so jealous of the English, and 
had so little pleasure in their neighbourhood, that soon 
after their settlement at James town, he removed to 
Orapakes, in the desert between Chickahominy and 
Youghtanund. He also increased his guard to two 
hundred men. 

The Mannahoacks, with two other tribes in their 
confederacy, were settled between Rappahanoc and 
York rivers, in the counties of Spotsylvania and 
Orange. The other tribes in that confederacy 
spread over the counties of Faquier, Culpepper, and 
Orange, between Potowmac and Rappahanoc. 

The Monocans were settled above the falls be- 
tween York and James rivers ; and their confeder- 
ates were principally in the territories of Fluvanna, 
Bedford, Buckingham, and Cumberland, 
in North In North Carolina, Lawson mentions thirteen 
tribes, but scarcely any of them are worthy of notice 
except the Tuscaroras. These were settled on Roa- 
noke river, in Bertie and some other counties in the 
districts of Edenton and Halifax. The next tribe 
to the Tuscaroras, in number, was the Waccons, but 
these did not exceed a hundred and twenty fighting 
men. The other tribes, or clans had not more than 
fifty and some not more than thirty gun men. The 
Machapunga Indians were settled near the lake of 
that name, in Hyde county. The Meherrins were 
settled on Meherrin river, the Chawans, on Bennet's 
creek, in Chowan county. The Pasquotank Indians 
were settled on Pasquotank river, in the county of 
that name. The Poteskeits were on the north river 
in Currituck county. The Hatteras Indians were 
seated on the banks of Cape Hatteras. In the year 
1700 these Indians gave information that among 

* Lawson's history of North Carolina, p. 234, 235. 



Carolina. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 39 

their ancestors were white people who could read. chap. 
This account probably was true, as many of those L 
Indians had grey eyes, by which they were distin- 
guished from all other Indians on the continent. 
They valued themselves extremely on their affinity to 
the English, and were ready to do them every kind 
office.* Hence arises a probable conjecture that Sir 
Walter Raleigh's people, who were lost in Virginia, 
removed to the Cape and mingled with these Indians. 
The Neus and the Pamptico Indians were set- 
tled, the former on the river Neus and the latter on 
Pamptico sound. There were also the Jaupims settled 
on Jaupim river. Lavvson represents that besides these 
original tribes there were five others consisting in the 
whole of nearly a thousand Indians, who had lately 
removed into the colony. Among these were the 
Saponas, settled on a creek of that name, in Nash 
county ; the Keiauwees on the north fork of the Sa- 
vannah ; the Shoccories, on Shocco creek, in Warren 
county ; and the Occonechos on Occonechee creek, 
near the town of Halifax. Of all these tribes there 
are now remaining in North Carolina sixty Indians 
only. These are the remains of the Tuscaroras, on 
the Roanoke in Bertie county. For many years they 
have been under legislative protection. f 

In South Carolina were eight very considerable In Souti. 
tribes. The Stonoes and Westoes, the Serrannas, Carolina - 
Cherokees, Catawba ws, Corees, Yamosees, and Con- 
garees. But at this period it is impossible, with cer- 
tainty, to determine the geographical situation of the 
most of them. The Stonoes probably were settled 
on the Stono. The Westoes were a formidable tribe 
and peculiarly inimical to the English. They seem 
to have been in the vicinity of Charleston, and be- 
gan very early to give the Carolinians much trouble. 
In their distress, providence interposed and gave 
them relief. About the year sixteen hundred and 

* Lawson, p. 62. 
f Letter of the Hon. Benjamin Hawkins member of Congress. 



gia 



40 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, seventy the Serannas made war upon them, and it 
L was managed with such implacable animosity and de- 
~~ struction, as terminated in the almost total extirpa- 
tion of both nations. The Catawbaws were on Cataw- 
baw river, a little south of the boundary line, between 
North and South Carolina. TheCherokees originally 
inhabited as for down as the Eutaw springs, but they 
have been driven between one and two hundred miles 
to the westward. Their present situation is in about 
ten degrees west longitude from Philadelphia, and in 
about thirty four degrees and forty minutes of north 
latitude.* The Congarees seem to have been seat- 
ed on the river of that name. The Yamosees were 
south of Charleston not far north of Savannah, 
iu Geor- j n Georgia were the upper and lower Creeks, the 
Chickasaws, Chacktaws, Natchez, and Alibamous. 
The Muscogee, or Creek Indians are seated about 
mid way, between Savannah and the Missisippi. 
Their principal towns lie in thirty two degrees 
of north latitude, and eleven degrees and twen- 
ty minutes west longitude from Philadelphia. Their 
country is hilly but not mountainous. The soil is 
in a high degree fruitful. The country abounds in 
creeks and rivulets, whence the inhabitants derived 
their name. They consist of three divisions, the up- 
per and lower Creeks, and the Seminolas. The two 
former are nearly in the centre between the north and 
south line of the state. The Seminolas are seated 
south easterly from them on the Appalachicola and 
Flint rivers. Their country is flat, weil watered, and 
fertile. 

The Chacktaws inhabit a fine extensive tract of 
country, between the Missisippi and Alabama rivers. 
Their country is hilly, interspersed with large fertile 
plains. These from the shape of their heads, are 
sometimes called flat heads. This peculiar shape is 
not natural but artificial. As soon as the male chil- 

* By a Lite divisional line between South Carolina and Georgia, 
their country now falls within the limits of Georgia. 



UNITED STATES OP AMERICA. 41 

dren are born, the nurse provides a wooden case, the chap, 
top of which is made in the form of a brick. In L 
this the child is laid on its back, with its head in 
the upper part. In this it is gently compressed, by 
a bag of sand on its forehead, until, from the tem- 
ples upward, the head receives a form resembling 
that of a brick.* 

The Chickasaws are settled on the head branches 
of the Tombeckbe, Mobile, and Yazoo rivers, in the 
north west extremity of the state. Their central town 
is in latitude thirty four degrees and twenty three 
minutes, and fourteen degrees thirty minutes west 
longitude. 

The Alibamous are seated on the Alibama river, 
partly between the Creeks and Chacktaws. 

The Natchez are near the banks of the Missisippi 
in the south western extremity. Charlevoix rep- 
resents this to have been a great nation, once able 
to raise four thousand warriors. When he visited 
them in 1721, he says they were not able to send 
two thousand fighting men into the field.f In 1764, 
Bonquet estimates them at no more than one hundred 
and fifty. Charlevoix represents their country as 
most fertile and pleasant. He recommends it, as the 
best adapted of any place for the capital of Louisia- 
na.;}: He intimates, that these Indians were afraid of 
their French neighbours, and that the haughtiness 
and cruelty of their chiefs, made them scatter and 
remove as far from them as they possibly could. 
When the chief died, all his guard must die also, 
and go with him to the world of spirits. Numbers 
of infants were sacrificed on the occasion, their little 
corpses thrown on the ground and trodden to pieces, 
while, in a horrible procession, the Indians carried 
their dead chief to their temple. Sometimes the 
death of one of these chiefs would occasion the death 
of a hundred other persons. So infatuated were this 

* Bartram's Traveis,p.517. f Charlevoix's Letters, vol.ii. p.260. *p.253. 

Vol. I. 6 



42 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, people, that they thought it an honour to be put to 
l - death, that they might accompany their sachem to his 
paradise.* 
Between The Indians inhabiting the tract of country north 
and nSw- °f Virginia, between that and New- England, and as 
England, far north as the Kittatinney mountains, seem to have 
called themselves by the general name of Lenopi. 
Charlevoix calls them Loups, in our language wolves. 
The English commonly called them Delawares. 
They consisted of five general divisions. The Chi- 
hohorki, Wenami, Munsey, Wabinga, or Mohick- 
ander Indians, and die Mohiccons, or Mahattans. The 
Chihohockies inhabited on the west of Delaware, 
which they called Chihohocki. The Wanamies in- 
habited the country of New-Jersey, from the Rariton 
to the sea. The Munsies dwelt on the upper streams 
of the Delaware, from the Kittatinney mountains 
down to the western branch of the Delaware. The 
Mohickanders, or Mahikanders, sometimes called 
river Indians, inhabited on Hudson's river between 
Albany and New York,f and between Hudson's riv- 
er and the west branch of Delaware. On the south 
they bordered on the Rariton and Mahattan Indians. 
The Mohiccons, Mahattans, or Manhantans occupied 
York and Staten islands. Their chief seat was on 
York island, which was originally called Manhattans. 
This division of the Lenopies were closely connect- 
ed with the Shawanese. This tribe was seated on 
the Susquehanna and spread over the country west- 
ward as far as the Allegany mountains. After the 
settlement o£ those parts, by the Dutch and English, 
most of those clans gradually moved off to the north- 
ward and westward. The Mohickanders removed 
into Canada, and some of them settled with the Ab- 
enaquies at St. Francis. Others of them appear to 
have settled at Scahkook, with the Indians driven 
from New-England. Some of the Mohiccons seem 
to have removed to the east branch of the Susque- 

* CharLL. p. 258, 261, 262, 263, 264. f Colden's hist. vol. i. p. 260. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 43 

h'anna. The Munsies settled at Diahago and other chap. 
villages up the north branch of the same river. Part L 
of the Delaware Indians are settled at the same plac- 
es. Another part of them inhabit between Ohio and 
lake Erie, and the branches of Bever creek, Cayaho- 
ga, and Muskingum. 

The numerous Indian nations of New- England i n the 
were distinguished by general names and divisions. Prwmcetf 
The eastern Indians were known by the general name 
of Tarrenteens. These had their residence on Ken- 
ebeck and the other rivers in the province of Main, 
and the adjacent, eastern country. The subdivisions 
and names, which took rise from the several rivers 
and places of their residence, as the Penobscot, Am- 
oriscoggin, Norridgewock, Sauco, and St. John's In- 
dians, were not known till many years after the com- 
mencement of the English settlements. 

The northern Indians, including those of New- 
Hampshire and Massachusetts, were termed Abergin- 
ians. Of these there were numerous subdivisions. 

In New-Hampshire were the Newichewannocks, i n ^ ew . 
on the principal branch of Piscataqua river. On Mer- Hampshire, 
rimack river inhabited the Wainooset, Patucket, 
Amoskeag, and Penicook Indians. At Newbury falls 
was a noted clan. The Indian settlements extended 
from the mouth of the river nearly fifty miles up in- 
to the country. Indeed, it is not improbable that 
there were some scattering settlements as far up as 
the very head of the river. 

In Massachusetts, there was, near the mouth ofinMassa> 
Charles river, a general rendezvous of Indians. The c usetts ' 
original name of this river was Massachusett. From 
this the Indians and the country upon it derived their 
name. Massachusetts mount, in the town of Dor- 
chester, was the seat of the great Massachusett sa- 
chem. His sachemdom spread not only over the 
whole circle which forms the harbour of Boston and 
Chaflestown, round Maiden, Chelsea, Nantasket, 
Hingham, Weymouth, Braintree, and Dorchester; 
but over Milton, Stoughton, and various other plac- 



44 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, es, on and about Charles river. At Agawam, which 
l - the English named Ipswich, was another sachem 
and tribe of considerable note. At Nanmkeag and 
Saugus, comprehending the towns of Salem, Marble- 
head, and Lynn, was another division. 

The Nipnets were an inland tribe, seated on sev- 
eral large ponds and small rivers in Oxford and the 
adjaeent towns. Oxford was their chief seat. 

V\ ithin the old colony of Plymouth were three 
principal sachemdoms. One comprehended the ter- 
ritory from Eell river, in Plymouth, to the south 
shore of the cape, and from Wood's hole on the west, 
to the eastern part of Barnstable. Within this were 
several petty sachems and divisions, of which Mash- 
pee was the chief. On the eastern part of the cape, 
from Nobscusset, now Yarmouth, was another sa- 
chemdom. The capital of this was Nauset, since nam- 
ed Estham. These were called the Nauset Indians. 

The Nantucket Indians were numerous. Both 
on this island, and at Martha's vineyard, were dis- 
tinct tribes and sachems. 

The situation of the Wampanoags, or Pokanock- 
ets, afterwards called Philip's Indians, was on the 
westermost line of Plymouth colony. Their princi- 
pal seat was at Pokanocket, since named Bristol. 
Here their great sachem Massasoiet had his residence 
when the English came to Plymouth. His territory 
comprehended the towns of Bristol, Tiverton, Little 
Compton, Swanzey, and Barrington.* He had a seat 
at Namasket, Middleborough, as well as at Bristol. 
To him both the cape and Nipnet Indians were sup- 
posed to be tributary, or in some kind of subjection. 
Part of the territory of the Wampanoags, though the 
whole of it formerly was within the limits of Plym- 
outh and Massachusetts, was, about the year 1741, 
by commissioners from New- York, adjudged to 
Rhode Island. Their adjudication was afterwards 
confirmed by his British majesty in council. 

* Hutch, vol.i. p. 403. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 45 

The Tarrenteens waged perpetual war with the chap. 
Massachusett Indians, and were not less terrible to * 
them, than the Mohawks were to the other Indians in 
New- England. 

In the winter and spring of 1 61 7, the plague,or some Mortality 
other mortal disease, broke out among the Indians,be- i",']"",^. 11 " 5 
tween the Narragansetts and Penobscot, and almost en- ^17. 
tirely depopulated that whole tract of country. So many 
thousands of them died that the living could not bury 
them. Their skulls and bones for several years af- 
ter, were to be seen above ground at the principal 
places of their residence.* This so weakened them, 
that for the future they could make little or no resist- 
ance against their enemy. After the English settled 
in the country, they often fled to their houses for 
protection. They reported, that the Tarrenteens, 
when they had taken them, tied them to trees and 
ate the flesh off from their bones. Through the in- 
fluence of French neighbourhood, they early imbib- 
ed prejudices against the English, which never could 
be eradicated. They were the first Indians, in Amer- 
ica, who used fire arms. With these, and ammuni- 
tion, they were supplied by the French. They were a 
sore scourge to the province of Main and New-Hamp- 
shire. Charlevoix calls them Abenaquies. The re- 
mains of them fled from the coasts of New-England 
and settled in Canada on the banks of St. Francis. f 

The Indians on Long Island, and from the Wam- 
panoags westward as far as the we tern line of Con- 
necticut appear to have had the general name of the 
southern Indians. The principal tribes in this gen- 
eral division, were the Narragansetts, Pequots, Mo- 
hegans, the river Indians, and the Meilowacks, or 
Long Island Indians. 

The Narragansetts were situated along the sea coast, Their situ, 
round point Judith, on Narragansett bay, and nearly, JUSte™ isi- 
as far westward as Stonington. They consisted of and. 

* Prince's Chron. part i. p. 46, f Charl, vol. i. p. 190, 191. 



46 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, six or seven principalities, under the great sachem 
L Miantonomo. Wood represents them as the most 
numerous Indian nation in New-England. They 
were the most rich and industrious. They were the 
most curious operators of the Wampumpeage, and 
the general mart of all kinds of wild merchandize. 
The northern, eastern, and western Indians pro- 
cured all their corn from those southern mint-mas- 
ters.* 

The principal seat of the Pequots was at New 
London and Groton. According to tradition, they 
were originally an inland tribe, but came down from 
the country, and by their prowess, seated themselves 
along the sea coast, over that fine tract of country, ex- 
tending from about the western boundary of New Lon- 
don,to the eastern line of Connecticut. They were the 
most warlike Indians in New- England. They had 
extended their conquests over a great part of Connecti- 
cut. More than twenty Indian kings, were either 
their tributaries, or subject to their control, 
^connect- The Mohegans lay north of the Pequots. Their 
chief seat was at Mohegan, between New-London and 
Norwich. These two tribes spread over the princi- 
pal part of the country contained in the three coun- 
ties of New London, Windham, and Tolland. 

The river Indians were those settled on Connecti- 
cut river. Of these the Windsor Indians were the 
most numerous. Between thirty and forty years af- 
ter the settlement of the town, the proportion between 
the Indians and white people was estimated at nine- 
teen to one. At Hartford, Weathersfield, Middle- 
town, and East-Haddam were considerable bodies 
of Indians. In the towns of Farmington and Syms- 
bury they were numerous. In the county of New 
Haven were four considerable clans. There were 
not less in the county of Fairfield. In almost every 
town in Connecticut there were scattering settlements 

* Wood's New-England's prospect, chap. iii. p. 72. 



icut. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 47 

of the natives. Most of the towns in the state have chap. 
deeds from the Aborigines by which their lands are L 
holden. 

The Indians west of Connecticut were generally 
termed by the people of New-England, the western 
Indians. Among the Indians of Connecticut they 
were termed Mohawks. Agreeably to Roger Will- 
iams, this name imports cannibals, and is derived from 
the Indian word moho, to eat. This seems to have 
been a general name, sometimes given to the five na- 
tions. They probably were thus named from the 
Mohawks, who formerly were the principal, and the 
most warlike tribe among them. They were ex- 
ceedingly terrible and troublesome to the Indians in 
the western parts of Connecticut. They ran upon them 
with this dreadful yell, Hadree, hadree, succomcc, 
succomce, We come, we come to suck your blood. 
Wood relates that they delighted in human flesh and 
sometimes ate their prisoners.* As these formida- 
ble enemies came from the westward it seems to have 
been a general name for all the western Indians. 

The five nations were known among the English 
by the names of Mohawks, Oneydas, Onondagoes, 
Cayugas, and Senekas. The French called them Iro- 
quois. Each of these nations was subdivided into 
three tribes or families. They distinguished them- 
selves, by three different ensigns, the Tortoise, the 
Bear, and the Wolf. Whenever the sachems, or any 
of the old men, signed any public paper, they put on 
it the mark of their family. 

The country of the Mohawks was on the Mohawk situation of 
river. One of their principal castles was about eigh- ^f^ 6 
teen miles west of Schenectada. The Oneydas were 
settled on the east side of Oneida lake and head 
branches of Susquehanna. The situation of the 
Onondagoes was upon and eastward of the lake Onon- 
dago. The Cayugas were settled near the north 
branch of the Cayuga lake. The Senekas were sit- 

* Coklen's hist. p. 66, 67, 68, 69. 



48 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, uated on the southern banks of lake Ontario, on the 
*• Chenessee, and extended southward as far as the head 
waters of Susquehanna and the Ohio. They ex- 
tended westward beyond the falls of Niagara.* The 
five nations took this situation before the commence- 
ment of the English settlements. Their original seat 
however, was on and about the island of Montreal. 
But the Adirondack s, who then inhabited nearly 
three hundred miles above the three rivers, gave 
them so much trouble, that about the beginning of 
the seventeenth century, they removed thence, and 
driving off the Satanas, settled on the ground which 
they have since occupied. The Satanas fled to the 
banks of Missisippi, and are the people whom the 
Their con- French call Shaovonons. The five nations conquer- 
quests. et j ^ e Adarondacks and finally drove them from 
their country. The)' are called by the French Al- 
gonquins. They were one of the most numerous 
and warlike of all the Indian nations in North Amer- 
ica ; but were nearly extirpated by the five nationsf . 
One part of the remains of them now inhabit near Trois 
Rivieres, and another part of them towards the heads of 
the Outawais river. The Hurons joined with the Adi- 
rondaks in the war with the five nations and suffered 
no less than the latter. The five nations conquered 
all the country west of lake Ontario as far as lake 
Huron. They carried their conquests as far south- 
ward as lake Erie. Charlevoix represents, that had 
it not been for the interposition of the French, the 
five nations would have not only destroyed those but 
all the other nations in Canada, who ventured to op- 
pose them. He says they set all Canada on fire. He 
mentions the Abenaquies, as the only people to 
whose country they had not given disturbance.^ 

Within the limits of the United States, they con- 
quered the whole territory of the Lenopies, obliged 
them to put themselves under their protection, de- 

* Coldcn's map, in his history of the five nations, vol. i. 
f Colden, vol. i. p. 23 and 29. ' ± Vol. i. p. 308. 309. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 49 

prived them of the power of making war, and con- chap. 
fined them to raising corn, hunting, and fishing for l - 
subsistence. This the Indians termed reducing their 
enemies to the state of women. This was the state 
of those Indians when the English began the settle- 
ment of the Jersies and Pennsylvania. The five na- 
tions had spread their conquests over all the back 
parts of Virginia, and penetrated nearly as far down 
as the mouth of the Ohio. They had carried their 
conquests eastward nearly as far as Connecticut river. 
The Indians on Long island, Hudson's river, and in 
the western parts of Connecticut paid them an annu- 
al tribute.* Their limits were from the mouth of 
the Sorel, at the north end of lake Champlain to the 
south side of the lakes Erie and Ontario, and on both 
sides of the Ohio, till it falls into the Missisippi. On 
the north of those lakes they claimed, the whole 
country south of the river Outawais, as far west as 
lake Huron ; and even beyond the streights between 
that and lake Erie.f All this last mentioned exten- Cession to 
sive country, south of the river Outawais, the Five iam^izoi. 
Nations ceded to king William, June 19th, seven- 
teen hundred and one. By virtue of this cession, 
and the alliance of the five nations with Great Brit- 
ain, the French settlements within this territory, or 
any part of their country were considered as encroach- 
ments on the English or their allies. 

The war, in which the Five Nations made those Long wars, 
conquests, was long and bloody. They seem to have 
continued it, with very little intermission, either with 
the Indian nations or with the French, and some- 
times with both, for considerably more than half a 
century. They not only in a manner extirpated the 
nations round them, but greatly diminished them- 
selves. Their enemies, sometimes, gave them terri- 
ble defeats. It was only by the policy of adopting 
their captives, whole clans, and sometimes whole na- 

» Smith's hist. N. York, p. 134, 135. | Ibid, p. 135, 136, 137. 

Vol. I. 7 



50 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, tions of other Indians, that they, in any measure, 

1 preserved their numbers, and for so long a period, 

continued formidable to the whole country. Impia- 

impiacabie ca ble was the animosity with which these savage na- 

s P lrlt - r 1 TT7I 1 • b 

tions tought. When once they were victorious, one 
scene of devastation encouraged and roused them to 
another. Like hungry lions, the taste of blood en- 
kindled their rage and inflamed their thirst. The pas- 
sion of revenge seemed to possess their whole souls, 
and hurry them on to mutual destruction. 

They often travelled, singly, or in very small par- 
ties, to the distance of three or four hundred miles, 
and lurked about the parties and villages of each other 
to shed blood, and revenge the deaths and wrongs of 
their respective friends and nations.* 
Reflections. How affecting is the portrait, which these savage 
nations exhibit of the natural blindness, turpitude, 
and misery of man ? How striking is the evidence 
which they present of his need, both of human and 
divine instruction ! Though, in his vanity, he would 
be wise, yet is he not born like the wild ass's colt ? 
Who can contemplate the habitations of darkness 
and cruelty, but with a touching sense of the inesti- 
mable preciousness of the blessings of civilization 
and the gospel ? How much greater happiness do 
mankind, in a very few years, enjoy, under their be- 
nign influence, than in whole ages, where their 
cheering and ennobling light have never shone ? 
These only give the gentleman and the christian 
their superiority to the wild American. These re- 
cover the woman from slavery and abuse, to the 
original dignity and tenderness of treatment, due to 
that part of human nature, which was made of the 
flesh and bone of man. These rescue her offspring 
from neglect and cruelty ; prevent them from falling 
a bloody sacrifice to evil spirits ; provide for their 
tender nursing, their civil and christian education. 
The latter of these, only reveals the path of life, and 

* Coklen's hist. vol. i. p. 26, 27. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 51 

cheers the heart with the enlivening prospects of a chap. 
blissf'il immortality. Where is the christian or the n - 
gentleman, who can look upon the savage, and con- 
template who maketh him to differ, that no man hath 
any thing but what he hath received, and not feel 
his heart warm with gratitude to Him, from whom 
ii- derived every good gift ? Can Americans be in- 
nocent, if, while they enjoy an accumulation of 
blessings, possess the country, and witness the 
wretchedness of the Aborigines,they neglect any prop- 
er measures, or spare any pains, to communicate to 
them, the blessings of civilization, liberty, and Chris- 
tianity ? 



CHAPTER II. 

Attempts of the French and Spaniards to make settlements in Carolina. 
Patent of Sir Walter Raleigh, and his attempts to plant a colony. Sketches 
of the patents, discovery, and settlement of Virginia, New-York, Plymouth, 
Massachusetts, Maryland, Connecticut, and Rhode-Island : and, of the 
principal occurrences attending their settlement. 

1 HE first attempts, for permanent settlements, in 
any part of the United States, were made by the 
French. Jasper Coligni, one of the principal com- French at- 
manders of the protestant armies in France, appre- Jfmptaset- 

i • r i -I • i ■ t i i i • ii tlement in 

hensive or the dangers in which he, and his adherents Carolina, 
must be involved, should the cause in which he was 
embarked prove unsuccessful ; projected the planting 
of a colony in America. Probably, he designed this as 
a retreat for himself and his friends whenever the ex- 
tremity of their affairs should make it necessary. By 
his influence, it seems that Chattillon, admiral of 
France, despatched two ships, under the command 
of John Ribault, in prosecution of the design. He 1502. 
made a discovery of the river Albemarl,* and eight 
others in that vicinity. He sailed up one, which he 
named port Royal, many leagues, built a fort and 

* Named by the French the river May, from the circumstance of 
their entering' it on the first day of that month. 



52 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, left a colony, under the command of capt. Albert. 
IL By his severity, he provoked the people to a mutiny, 
- in which he was slain, and the colony ruined. Two 

years after, Chattillon despatched Rene Laudinier 
with three ships to the river Albemarl. On this 
he built a fort, and in honour to Charles IX. of 
France, named it Carolina. From this circumstance 
the Carolinas took their name. 
1565. The next year Ribault arrived a second time in 

Carolina, with seven ships, to recruit their infant 
plantation, and make a more sure footing in the 
country. But, by this time, the Spaniards, who 
claimed it, by virtue of the discovery of Ponce de 
Leon, were alarmed and began to meditate ven- 
Are massa- geance on their rivals. Pedro Melendes arriving in 
Spaniards. 6 the river, soon after massacred Ribault and his whole 
company. Laudinier, getting intelligence of the 
slaughter of his countrymen, made his escape to 
France. Melendes took possession of the country, 
erected three forts, and left twelve hundred men for 
their defence. About three years after, to revenge 
these injuries, the French despatched Dominique 
French re- de Gourges to Carolina. He put most of the Span- 
ish. 6 ' iards to the sword, rased their forts and returned to 
France.* These disastrous events appear to have 
discouraged both nations from any further attempts 
to make settlements in Carolina. For a complete 
century, it remained a vast wilderness, reserved,- in 
providence, to be planted with English protestants, 
and to form an extensive and important part of the 
American empire. 

Sir Walter Raleigh was the first Englishman, who 
attempted the plantation of a colony on the northern 
Patent to continent. In fifteen hundred eighty four, queen 
^^lter Elizabeth, by letters patent, granted to him all such 
lyiarch ' lands as he should discover in North America, be- 
25th, 1584. tween thirty three and forty degrees of north latitude, 
to dispose of in fee simple, or otherwise to any of 

* Prince's Chron. p. 99, 100 and 101. Hist. S. C- vol. i, p. 18, 19, 20. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 5$ 

her majesty's subjects. The only reservation made 
to the crown, by the patent, was a fiftrfpart of the 
gold and silver ore, which should be found in such 
countries, in lieu of all other services whatsoever. 
This was the general tenour of all the charters given 
to the colonies. 

He formed a society among his friends, by whose 
assistance he was enabled early in the spring to send 
out two ships, on discovery, commanded by the cap- 
tains Amidas and Barlow. They arrived, the next 
July, at the island of Wokoken, on the coast of 
North Carolina, and taking possession of the country 
named it Vi r g i n i a, in honour of their virgin queen. 
From this circumstance, the name of Virginia, was 
for many years, given to the whole country of the 
United States. They made a successful voyage; 
importing into England, furs, skins, sassafras, cedar, 
pearls, and tobacco. The latter of these was a great 
curiosity, as it was the first ever seen in England. 
It was represented as a sovereign remedy for almost 
every disorder, and as a plant of inestimable value. 

The success of this voyage, gave Sir Walter and 
his friends the idea, that the riches of the country 
were immense. Therefore the next spring they 1585, 
fitted out a fleet of seven sail under the command 
of Sir Richard Greenville. In June, he arrived at 
Wokoken, and having explored the country, he fix- 
ed on the island of Roanoah, for a plantation. A 
colony of 108 men, was left on the island, under the 
command of Mr. Ralph Lane. In less than a year 
they were reduced to such forlorn circumstances, 
that Sir Francis Drake arriving on the coast, took 
them on board his fleet, and transported them to En 
gland. Soon after they sailed Sir Richard Green 
ville arrived : and, though he could not find the first, 
yet he ventured to leave a second colony. The} 
consisted of fifty men, who were plentifully furnish- 
ed with all kinds of provisions for two years. 

The next year, Sir Walter despatched a third com- issf. 
pany to Virginia, with a charter of incorporation, ap- 



54 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, pointing Mr. John White governour, with twelve 
!I - assistants. ""They were named the governour and 
assistants of the city of Raleigh in Virginia. The 
company consisted of 115 men, women, and children. 
On their arrival, they found that the second colony 
had been destroyed, yet they landed, determining 
to brave all dangers in making a permanent settle- 
ment in the country. These, however, were neg- 
lected and all perished. After these disasters, no 
further attempts were made to plant colonies on the 
continent until the succeeding reign. 
The first James I. in the fourth year of his reisrn, by letters 

Virginia » ... .... 

patents, patent, made a division of Virginia into two colonies. 
tm. 10th * ^ ne southern, lying between 34 and 41 degrees of 
north latitude, which was called the first, he granted 
to Sir Thomas Gates, Sir George Sommers, Rich- 
ard Hackluit, clerk, prebendary of Westminster, and 
others under the name of the London Company. 
The northern, termed the second colony, between 
38 and 45 degrees, he granted to the company of 
Plymouth. 

The London company fitted out three small ships, 
under the command of captain Christopher Newport, 
to make discoveries and plant -a colony in south Vir- 
ginia. 
1607 The company arrived in the bay of Chesapeak, 

Settlement on the 26th of June, 1607. They sailed up the 
to^n!" 1163 river Powhatan, erected a fort, and began a plantation, 
which, in honour to their prince, was named James- 
town. The company consisted of one hundred 
persons.* Their council were Bartholomew Gos- 
nold, John Smith, Edward Wingfield, Christopher 
Newport, John Ratcliffe, John Martin, and George 
Kendal. Mr. Wingfield was elected president of 
the council. They brought over Mr. Robert Hunt 
for their minister. He was the first clergyman in 
the United States : and appears to have been a man 
of an excellent spirit, and singularly worthy character, 

* Smith's hist. Virg. p. 43, 44. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 55 

He had great influence in healing the divisions, and chap. 
promoting the peace and welfare of the company. 1L 

Before their arrival the Indians had been exaspe- 
rated, by the imprudent and cruel treatment which 
they had received from the English. In 1585, Sir 
Richard Greenville burnt a whole Indian town, and 
destroyed their corn, merely to revenge their stealing 
a silver cup. Mr. Lane and his company slew one 
of their sachems, and killed and captivated several 
of their men.* They therefore made repeated attacks 
on the colony, and in a short time, killed and 
wounded nearly twenty. By the middle of July _.. . 

i !• i-iiii i • Ogress ol 

they were so distressed with the badness and scarcity the coionv 
of provision, with sickness, labour, and continual 
guarding against the enemy, that scarcely ten of the 
whole company could walk, or even stand alone. 
By the end of the month fifty of them were no more. 
Among the dead was that enterprizing gentleman 
captain Gosnold, the projector of the whole scheme 
of the plantation. 

To increase their misfortunes the president em- 
bezzled the public stores, and attempted to run away 
with the company's bark, and to return to England. f 
It was therefore found necessary for the common 
safety, to displace him. Mr. RatciifFe was elected 
to the presidency. But it very soon appeared, that 
his abilities were, by no means equal to the exigen- 
cies of the company. The weight of government 
fell therefore on captain John Smith, a gentleman 
singularly adapted to the management of their affairs. 
He was a man of quick discernment, superior judg- 
ment, undaunted courage, invincible industry and 
resolution. With his whole ability he addressed 
himself to build the town and retrieve their affairs. 
He went first, and bore the largest share in labour, 
hardship, and danger. By his industry and enter- 
prize before winter, lodgings were provided for the 
sick, and the whole company were tolerably housed. 

* Smith's hist. p. 5, 6, 9. f P 46. 



56 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. But such was the badness and want of provisions, 

u - that they were still feeble with hunger. While 

~T ' captain Smith was employing his utmost exertions 

en captive, and jeoparding his life, for the welfare of the colony, 
he was captivated by the warriors of Powhatan. 
After he had been carried, for some time, in triumph, 
from place to place, the savage prince determined 
upon his immediate death. 

Having placed himself and his court in all the 
majesty and terror, which savage state and magnifi- 
cence could exhibit, two large stones were brought 
before him, and captain Smith was dragged forward 
and laid upon them, that his brains might be instantly 
beat out with clubs. In this critical moment 
providence wrought wonderfully, both for his own 
and the colony's preservation. In the very instant 
of execution, when no intreaties could avail, Poca- 

saved by hontas the emperor's darling daughter, with surpris- 
s. .^ ten( i ernesSj fl vm g to his relief, clasped his head 
in her arms, and laid her own upon it, risking her 
life for his. Such an effect had this on the emperor, 
that he not only suffered him to live, but, with a 
trusty guard, sent him immediately back to James- 
town. He was careful to send back to the emperor, 
to his women and children, such presents as should 
give general satisfaction. 

Distress of On his return he found the colony in the utmost 
' distress and confusion. Hunger, discontent, and 
mutiny all united their influence to make them mis- 
erable. However, his authority and address, soon 
recovered them to a better state. His little preserver 
Pocahontas, with her wild train, once in four or five 
days made him a visit, and brought him such quan- 
tities of provision, as saved the lives of many, who 
otherwise must have perished with famine. Thus, 
by this humane savage, only about thirteen years 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 57 

of age, it pleased the Supreme Ruler to save this chap. 
distressed people.* 

While these affairs were transacting in the colony, 
care was taken, by the company in London, to fur- 
nish it with all necessary supplies. Captains Newport 
and Nelson were despatched with provisions and men 
to recruit the plantation. Captain Newport arrived 
soon after the setting in of the winter, but Nelson 
was driven off the coast to the West Indies. The 
company supposed that he was lost. 

The arrival of captain Newport gave great relief i6or 
and joy to the plantation. Instead of famine they 
had a present supply of provisions. The care of 
the company in London to send them all necessary 
supplies, the addition made to their numbers, and 
the present apparent friendship of Powhatan and his 
confederates, gave new spirits to the colony. Before 
the arrival of captain Newport, their numbers were 
reduced to forty men. The new recruits were a 
great addition to their strength, and alleviated their 
fears. They had erected them a church, and their 
animosities, through the good offices of Mr. Hunt, 
had been so quieted, that the ordinances of the gos- 
pel were regularly administered, and the affairs of 
the colony wore a more favourable aspect than they 
had ever before done. But a variety of untoward 
circumstances united their influence to disappoint 
all these flattering prospects. Captain Newport's van- New-port's 
ity and imprudence in visiting Powhatan in a kind vanity. 
of princely state, lavishing his bounties upon him, 
giving swords and almost every thing which he 
asked, made him much more self important and in- 
solent, and had a mischievous influence on the In- 
dians in general. Beside other ill effects, it raised 
their corn and all other commodities, which the 
colonists had occasion to purchase of them, to a price, 
ten or twelve times above what had before been us- 

* Smith's hist. Virg\ p. 49, 50, 51, See also his letter to qneen 
Ann, consort of James 1. in 1616, preserved in Smith's and Beverly's 
histories. 

Vol. I. 8 



53 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. ual. So much time was wasted in this unhappy 
_ business, that the ship's crew consumed much of the 
provision, which they brought for the colony. They 
spent more weeks at Jamestown, than they ought to 
have tarried days. To these unlucky circumstances 
succeed a still greater misfortune. In the depth of 
town S winter, their store house, in which their provisions 
burnt. were chiefly lodged, took fire, and with their whole 
town, their fortifications, arms, apparel, bedding, and 
a great quantify of private goods, were consumed. 
The Rev. Mr. Hunt lost his whole library, and all 
his furniture excepting the clothes which he wore. 
Such however were his fortitude and patience, that it 
is remarked, he was never once heard to complain. 
The company were now reduced to a small allow- 
ance of meal and water. The winter was uncom- 
monly severe, and by the loss of the town, they were 
so exposed to the inclemencies of the weather, and 
so pinched with famine, that by the spring more than 
1608. one half of them were in their graves. The survivers, 
when the warm season advanced applied themselves 
to the rebuilding of the town, church, and fortifica- 
tions. While they were thus employed, captain 
Nelson arrived from the West Indies, with the pro- 
visions and recruits which had been sent out, 
the last year, in company with captain Newport. 
The whole number of men, which came over in these 
ships to recruit the colony, were a hundred and 
twenty. Nothing could be more welcome or give 
greater joy to these famished pilgrims, than this un- 
expected and seasonable relief. 

Remarkable was the divine conduct towards them. 
They suffered correction, but were not destroyed. 
When stripped of all external means of defence, en- 
feebled with famine, and thinned by the hand of 
death, they might have been swallowed up quickly ; 
but the savage nations were restrained and touched 
them not. When naked and destitute, he who 
clothes the grass, and feeds the fowls, sent them sup- 
plies. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 59 

In September captain Smith, who was indeed the chap. 
life of the colony, was chosen president, and took __ 
on himself the administration of government. He 
discovered the principal rivers in the southern slates 
with the countries adjacent. 

He obtained numerous victories over the Indians, 
and made peace with their kings. He baffled all the 
crafty designs of Powhatan, and induced him to 
make peace with him and the colony, after he had 
tried every stratagem, which his imagination could 
devise for its extirpation. The planters travelled 
with safety into every part of the country. Under 
his administration the colony flourished, and became 
formidable to all the surrounding Indian nations. A 
plantation was begun at the falls, and another at Nan- 
semund. He had a peculiar presence of mind on 
the most sudden and pressing emergencies ; a quick- 
ness, penetration, and nobleness of thought peculiar 
to himself. He had high ideas of the honour of his 
country and of the public good. 

Meanwhile the colony had its enemies both in Vir- 
ginia and in England. A number of unprincipled, 
idle, factious men were constantly disturbing its inter- 
nal peace ; and gross misrepresentations were made 
of it to the company in London. They were possess- 
ed of a thousand golden dreams, and far more intent 
on immediate gain, than on making a permanent set- 
tlement in the country. Not receiving those profit- 
able returns, which they idly expected, they were 
filled with vexation and resentment. Therefore, Old char- 
making interest with his British majesty, they obtain- l e a t e dMay 
ed a new charter, entirely abrogating the authority 23,1609. 
and council in Virginia : and, appointing Sir Thom- 
as West, lord Delaware, captain general, Sir Thom- 
as Gates lieutenant, and Sir George Sommers admi- 
ral, with many other gentlemen, to various offices 
for life. 

They sailed from England the last of May, with a 1609 
fleet of nine ships, on board of which were five hun- 
dred people. The admiral's ship, oh board of which 



60 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, were the three noblemen and a hundred and fifty oth- 
' er persons, was cast away in a hurricane, on one of 
the Bermuda islands. A catch was lost at the same 
time. The other ships arrived safe at Virginia. 
Many of the company who came in them, were poor 
gentlemen, broken tradesmen, rakes, and libertines, 
much better calculated for the subversion, trun for 
the establishment of a commonwealth. Headed by a 
number .of seditious captains, thev threw the colony 
into such a state of anarchy and coiifusion, that it 
was by the greatest feats of courage, and at the con- 
tinual hazard of the president's life, that he was able 
to stem the torrent of faction and immorality, which 
they raised. In this state of affairs, he was exceed- 
ingly burnt, by the accidental firing of a bag of pow- 
der. Such were his wounds and agonies, that they 
incapacitated him for those personal services which he 
had rendered the colony ; and which, in its present 
exigencies, were highly necessary. He therefore 
went on board, and returned to England. 
State of He left the colony furnished with three ships, good 
the colony fortifications, twenty four pieces of cannon, arms, am- 
ep " ' munition, apparel, commodities for trading, and tools 
for all kinds of labour. At Jamestown there were 
nearly sixty houses. The settlers had begun to plant 
and to fortify, at five or six other places. The num- 
ber of inhabitants was nearly five hundred. They 
had just gathered in their Indian harvest, and, be- 
sides, had considerable provision in their stores. 
They had between five and six hundred hogs, an 
equal number of fowls, some goats, and some sheep. 
They had also boats, nets, and good accommodations 
for fishing.* But such was the sedition, idleness, 
and dissipation of this mad people, that they were 
soon reduced to the most miserable circumstances. 
No sooner was captain Smith gone, than the savages, 
provoked by their dissolute practices, and encouraged 
by their want of government, revolted ; hunted and 

• * Styth's hist. p. 107, Smith's, p. 96 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 61 

slew them from place to place. Nansemund, the chap. 

plantation at the falls, and all the out settlements 

were abandoned. In a short time nearly forty of the 16 o&. 
company were cut off by the enemy. Their time War,sick- 
and provisions were consumed in riot, their utensils |' a m^ le an 
were stolen or destroyed, their hogs, sheep, and fowls 
killed and carried off by the Indians. The sword 
without, famine and sickness within, soon made 
among them surprising destruction; Within the 
term of six months, of their whole number, bixty on- 1610 
ly survived. These were the most poor famishing 
wretches, subsisting chiefly on herbs, acorns, and 
berries. Such was the famine, that they fed on the 
skins of their dead horses ; nay, they boiled and ate 
the flesh of the dead.* Indeed they were reduced 
to such extremity, that h id they not been relieved, 
in eight or ten days, the whole colony would have 
been extinct. Such are the dire effects of idleness, 
faction, and want of proper subordination. 

Unhappy, indeed was it, that, during this whole 
period, captain Piercy, on whom the government 
devolved, was so very sick and weak, that he could 
do little or nothing, for the support of government 
or the relief of the plantation. 

In this extremity Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George 
Sommers arrived, from the Bermudas, with a hun- 
dred and fifty people. But the colonists were so Colony 
dispirited, that they entirely broke up ; and, leaving breaks up. 
the town and fortifications standing, embarked and 
set sail for England. In this crisis providence again 
interposed, to prevent the abandoning of this fine 
country, and to plant it with protestant churches. 
Before they were out of the bay, lord Delaware Returns. 
meeting them, by his authority and address, prevail- 
ed uith them to return. 

On the 10th of June 1610, his lordship went on 
shore, and after attending public worship, published 
his commission. He made an oration to the people. 

* Styth's hist. p. 117. Smith's, p. 105, 106. 



$2 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, pressing them to an immediate reformation, and as- 
suring them, that unless it should be effected, he 
would cut off the delinquents by the sword of jus- 
tice. He constituted all necessary officers, and ap- 
pointed to every man his place and employment. 
By severe government and his lordship's influence 
the colony was reduced to a tolerable degree of in- 
dustry, harmony, and subordination, 
jgxo. A coincidence of events so remarkable, as conspir- 

ed for the preservation of these distressed colonists, 
could be ascribed to nothing but the divine superin- 
tendence. Had Sir Thomas Gates and Sir George 
Sommers arrived but a few days later they would 
have all been famished. Had the town and fortifi- 
cations been destroyed, at their embarkation, which 
was prevented only by the solicitations and influence 
of Sir Thomas Gates, it might have discouraged 
them and prevented their return. At least it would 
have subjected them to great labour and distress, 
as they would have had neither houses to cover, nor 
fortifications to defend them. Had they sailed soon- 
er, or lord Delaware arrived later, probably, they 
would not have fallen in with each other. Had the 
town been deserted a longer time, the savages, doubt- 
less, would have made the discovery, and set it on 
fire. After a combination of all these circumstances, 
had not his lordship brought with him a year's pro- 
vision, their relanding would have been only to a 
second destruction. 

1611. The next year they received a recruit of six hun- 
dred people, more than two hundred cattle, an equal 
number of hogs, and a great variety of necessaries for 
a new plantation.* Sir Thomas Dale began the 
settlement of the second town in Virginia, which he 
named Henrico, in honour to prince Henry, his maj- 
esty's eldest son. Another plantation was also begun 

1612. at Bermuda. The next year there arrived eighty 
more to strengthen the colony and advance its set- 

* Prince's Chron. part i. p. 33, 34, and Smith, p. 109, 110. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 63 

tlement. But the progress of settlement and cultiva- chap. 
tion was exceedingly slow. The natives were very 
inimical and troublesome. The supplies sent from 
England were by no means adequate to the numbers 
they were designed to support. This reduced the 
colonists to such straits, that too often they plundered 
the natives, or obliged them, by force of arms, to 
deliver them their provisions. These practices begat 
in them deep and lasting hatred, provoked them to 
retaliation, and bred continual animosities and alarms. 
Sir Thomas Smith, treasurer of the London company, 
and others, concerned in supplying and ordering the 
the colonists, sought their own private emolument, 
rather than the growth and prosperity of the colony. 
Too many of those who came over, were men unac- 
customed to business, and instead of labouring them- 
selves, were either idle, or else employed considera- 
ble numbers of the company merely in serving their 
whims and pleasures. It was observed by one of 
the planters, "That in Virginia, a plain soldier, that 
can use a pickaxe and spade is better than five 
knights." The planters were unexperienced in the 
business of planting new countries. As yet they 
had no farms, and did not consider themselves as 
labouring for their own advantage. Five or six men 
would not therefore accomplish more in a day, than 
a single man would have done in his own service. 
They were governed by a severe and bloody code of 
military laws, which were made still more severe and 
bloody, by the arbitrary manner in which they were 
executed. All these circumstances combined their 
influence to dispirit the colonists, beget discontent, 
and retard the progress of settlement and cultivation. 

In 1613 a very lucky circumstance took place, April 
which for a number of years, put a more favourable 1613 - 
aspect on the affairs of Virginia. Mr. Rolfe, who 
was afterwards made secretary of the colony, a worthy 
gentleman, and Pocahontas, the Indian princess, who 
had once saved the colony, and at other times render- 
ed it important services, fell deeply in love with each 



£4 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap other. No sooner was it known to Sir Thomas 

Dale, than lie set on foot a negociation of marriage. 

Marriage The emperor Powhatan gave his consent to the con- 

©f Poca- tract : and in April their hands were joined in wed- 

hontas, i oc k. On t hj s commenced an alliance of friendship 

and commerce between the English, Powhatan, and 

his subjects, which continued during his life. 

Great attention was given by Mr. Rolfe and the 
Rev. Mr. Whitaker to the instruction of Pocahontas, 
in the English language and christian religion. 
Eager was her pursuit of knowledge, and her pro- 
Gives ficiency was equal to her engagedness. She soon 
peace to renounced her pasranism and embraced Christianity. 

Virginia. i o j 

She was baptized by the name of Rebekah, and was 
afterwards generally known by the appellation of the la- 
dy Rebekah. She was the first convert from among the 
Aborigines of North America, to the christian pro- 
testant faith. About three years after her marriage, 
Mr. Rolfe made a visit with her to England. She 
was introduced to her majesty queen Anne, and treat- 
ed with great respect by lord Delaware, his lady, and 
other person of quality. The company in London 
gave order for the maintenance both of herself and 
her child. But, on this visit, she closed the scene of 
life with a calm, joyful hope in the divine mercy. 
She left a son, Thomas Rolfe, who had an honourable 
1616. education in England. He came over to Virginia, 
where he lived and died, in affluence and honour. 
His descendants are among some of the most re- 
spectable families in Virginia. 

The colony under the auspices of peace, and the 
judicious administration of Sir Thomas Dale, made 
some considerable advances, and its affairs were put 
into an easy and prosperous train. But as he had 
now been five years in the country, he had a great 
desire, and it became necessary to return to England, 
for the management of his own affairs. In April 
1616, he therefore embarked, and the next June ar- 
rived safe at Plymouth. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 65 

Mr. George Yeardley was appointed deputy govern- 
our in his absence, but was soon superseded by cap- 
tain Samuel Argall. This was effected by the lord 
Rich, an opulent and powerful member of the Vir- 
ginia company. Argall was a friend and relation of 
Sir Thomas Smith the treasurer, and lord Rich was 
one of the treasurer's peculiar favourites. He there- 
fore not only procured for him an appointment to be 
deputy governour of Virginia, but also to be admi- 
ral of the country and seas adjoining. It was not 
sufficient, that the Virginians were already under 
martial law, but this was done to strengthen his arm. 
with more absolute despotism, that not a Virginian 
might dare to move his tongue against him. Lord 
Rich, having concerted his measures, entered into 
partnership with captain Argall, and it appeared to 
be their united design, to enrich themselves by the 
government. 

In May 1617, he arrived at the seat of government, 1617. 
in Virginia. He was a man of singular art and cun- 
ning; his avarice, cruelty, and despotism were equal 
to his subtilty. His whole art was employed for the 
purposes of gain. Such was his rapacity, that in the 
short term of about two years, he almost ruined the 
colony. At the close of his administration, the state 
of it, in some respects, was not so good, and but in 
few others much better, than it was, at the departure 
of captain Smith, nine years before. He had undone 
almost every thing which lord Delaware, Sir Thom- 
as Gates, and Sir Thomas Dale, had, wkh so much 
labour and expense, accomplished.* The compa- 
ny's lands he had depopulated and ruined. After ex- 
pending eighty thousand pounds sterling, after twelve 
years labour and the loss of more than twelve hun- 
dred lives they had settled only six or seven towns. 
Sixteen hundred and seventy souls had been import- 
ed into the colony ; and, at this period, the inhabi- 
tants amounted only to four hundred. The extreme 

* Styth's history, and history of North America, published in the 
new American Magazine, from 1758 to 1760. 

Vol. I. 9 



66 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, sufferings of the people, by reason of sickness, fam- 
ine, the plots and murders of the Indians, the oppres- 
sion and rapacity of their governours, were almost 
incredible. 

It was with an ardent and impatient desire, that 
the people waited for the return of lord Delaware, to 
the government. But he died on his passage, in 
Sr e cf h Dd- 1618, near the mouth of Delaware bay. From this 
aware. circumstance it is supposed to have derived its name. 
Early in the year 1619, Sir George Yeardley was 
1619. appointed governour. About the beginning of May, 
Yeard"° Ur ^ e arr i ve d at the seat of government. It is not easy 
arrives, to describe the joy which his arrival gave the Virgin- 
ians. From that day they considered themselves as 
emancipated from slavery, and restored to the rights 
and happiness of English subjects. Affairs had tak- 
en an entirely new and happy turn for the colonists. 
Sir Edwin Sandys was elected governour and treas- 
urer of the Virginia company, in London, instead of 
Sir Thomas Smith. Mr. John Fanar was chosen 
deputy treasurer. These were men of great abili- 
ties and influence ; and their friendship to the colo- 
ny, and zeal for its prosperity were not inferior to 
their powers and influence. An instrument was pre- 
pared, giving the ancient planters a full discharge 
from all services to the colony, excepting those 
which should be voluntary, or which, by the laws of 
nations, they were obliged to render. There was al- 
so granted to them a most ample confirmation of their 
estates, both real and personal. 

The chief cause of granting these privileges was 
the rapines and personal impositions of captain Ar- 
gall. Great complaints were exhibited against him, 
and governour Yeardley had orders to try him in the 
colony, where the evidence of his mal-administration 
could be exhibited.* But he got intelligence of it, 
before the arrival of his lordship, made his escape to 
England, and could never be brought to justice. A 



* American Magazine, and Styth's history. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 57 

certain writer of his history observes, " He would chap. 
have been hanged, had it been in any other reign 
than that of James the first." 

In this year there arrived in the colony 1216 per- 
sons ; and four new towns were settled.* A plan 
was also set on foot for sending over an hundred or 
more young women for wives, to give greater con- 
tentment and plant families in the colony. In this 
and the next year about a hundred and forty were 
sent over, and had a tract allowed them called Maids 
town. 

As the first planters of Virginia were generally 
single men, they had no sooner made provision for 
a comfortable subsistence, than they began to be sen- 
sible that the want of wives was a capital inconven- 
ience. Any woman therefore, who could produce 
testimonials of her modesty and good qualities, how- 
ever poor, might depend on a good match in Virgin- 
ia. The men were so far from expecting a fortune 
with a woman, that it was not an uncommon busi- 
ness for them to buy a deserving wife, at the price 
of a hundred pounds. They flattered themselves 
that they had a good bargain.f 

On the 24th of June the governour summoned 1619. 
the first General Assembly ever convened in Ameri- 
ca. In this early period there was no county in Vir- 
ginia. The representatives were chosen from towns, 
or boroughs. This gave the lower house of assem- 
bly the appellation of the House of Burgesses, a 
proper name for the representatives of boroughs. 
This name hath, from this circumstance, ever since 
obtained, though the representatives of counties are 
much more numerous than those of towns. From 
this time the colonists were liberated from trials by 
martial law, and restored to the rights of men, and, 
of English subjects. 

Some idea of their distresses, prior to this happy 
era, may be obtained from a declaration of the council 

* Smith's hist. Virg. p. 127. f Beverley's hist. Virginia, p. 248. 



§8 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, and general assembly of Virginia, about five years af- 
ter, addressed to his British majesty, J tines the first. 
In this they aver, " That in the twelve years of Sir 
Thomas Smith's government, the colony for the most 
part, remained in great want and misery, under 
most severe and bloody laws, contrary to the express 
letters of the king's most gracious charters ; and as 
mercilessly executed here ; oftentimes without trial 
or judgment : That the allowance for a man, in those 
times, was only eight ounces of meal and a pint of pease 
a day, both the one and the other being mouldy, rot- 
ten, and full of cobwebs and maggots, loathsome to 
man, and not fit for beasts ; which forced many to 
fly to the savage enemy for relief, and afterwards be- 
ing retaken were put to sundry kinds of death, as 
hanging, shooting, breaking upon the wheel, and 
the like : That others were forced, by famine, to 
filch for their bellies, of whom one, for stealing two 
or three pints of oat- meal, had a bodkin thrust through 
his tongue, and was chained to a tree till he starved : 
1019. That if a man, through sickness, had not been able 
to work, he had no allowance at all, and so conse- 
quently perished : That many, to avoid cruel perse- 
cutions, dug holes in the earth, and there hid them- 
selves till they famished : That their want was some- 
times so excessive, that they were constrained to eat 
dogs, cats, rats, snakes, toadstools, horse hides, and 
what not : That many others fed on the corpses of 
dead men : That the towns were only James city, 
Henrico, Charles hundred, West and Shirley hun- 
dred, and Kickquotan ; all which were ruined in 
those times, except ten or twelve houses in James 
town: That if through the aforesaid calamities many 
had not perished, there would, without doubt, have 
been a thousand people in the colony, whereas when 
Sir George Yeardley arrived governour, he found 
not above four hundred, most of them in want of 
corn, and utterly destitute of cattle, swine, poultry, 
and other necessary provisions." Such was the origi- 
nal of the ancient and respectable state of Virginia, 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. gg 

Before this time his majesty had issued his letters, chap. 
to the several bishops of his kingdom, instituting a 
collection for erecting a college in Virginia, for the edu- CoUe ,. ein> 
cation of the children of infidels in the know ledge of stitut'ed. 
God. Fifteen hundred pounds had bt en contributed for 
this pious purpose, and there were expectations of a 
much larger sum. Ten thousand acres of land were ap- 
propriated to its support. In this and the succeed- 
ing year a hundred tenants were sent over to culti- 
vate the lands. Half their profits were appropriated 
to the college, to erect buildings, maintain instructors 
and scholars. Mr. George Thorpe, of his majes- 
ty's privy chamber, and one of the council of the 
Virginia company in England, came over as the com- 
pany's deputy and superintendant of the college. It 
was designed for the mutual benefit both of the En- 
glish and Indians. 

This year was remarkable for great plenty and 
great mortality. There died not less than three 
hundred inhabitants. 

King James, in an arbitrary and unj ust manner, oblig- 
ed the company , at their own charge to transport a hun- 
dred convicts into Virginia. Thus early was the prac- 
tice of transporting persons of dissolute and abandoned 
characters into Virginia, as a place of disgrace and pun- 
ishment. Styth has this remark upon it, "That it has 
been a great hindrance to the growth of the colony, and 
laid one of the finest countries in British America, un- 
der the unjust scandal of being a hell upon earth, ano- 
ther Siberia, only fit for malefactors and the vilest of 
the people." 

While this colony was making a firm settlement, the 
business of more particular discovery had been pros- 
ecuted in North Virginia, and preparations were mak- 
ing for the plantation of colonies, in that part of 
the continent. 

In 1609, Henry Hudson, an Englishman, in the Hudson** 
service of the Dutch East India company, discover- Ji 8 C g rer ^ 
ed Hudson's river and ranged along the coast from 
Cape Cod to thirty degrees of north latitude. This. 



70 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, gave rise to the Dutch claims in this part of Amer- 

IL ica. 
Grant of ^ n 1614, the States General granted to certain 
the states Dutch merchants a patent for an exclusive trade on 
General Hudson's river. For the convenience of trade they 
erected two forts on the river, one at Albany and 
another on the island of New- York. The court of 
England disowned their claim, and captain Argall 
making them a visit obliged them to submit to the 
government of Virginia. However, the States Gen- 
eral in 1621 made a grant of the country to the West 
India company, who began to extend their settle- 
ments, increase the number and strength of their 
fortifications, and renounce all subjection to the gov- 
ernment of England. 

In 1614, captain John Smith, who had been pres- 
ident in Virginia, made particular discoveries of the 
coasts of North Virginia, drew maps of the country 
and named it New-England. 
New-En- King James I. by his letters patent, November 3d, 
tem, Nov. 1620, incorporated the Duke of Lenox, the mar- 
3d, 1620. quises of Buckingham and Hamilton, the earls of 
Arundel and Warwick, with divers other persons, 
by the name of the Council established at Plymouth 
in the county of Devon, for the planting, ruling, or- 
dering, and governing New-England in America; 
and granted to them, their successors and assigns, 
all that part of America, lying from 40 degrees of 
north latitude, to the 48th degree inclusively ; and 
in length of, and within all the breadth aforesaid, 
throughout the main lands, from sea to sea. This 
is the civil basis of all the patents and plantations 
which divide the New-England states. 
Settle- The settlement of New-England commenced the 

§K,mmfrt, same y ear » at tne place named Plymouth. A com- 
pany of pious people, to the number of a hundred 
and one, arrived at Cape Cod on the 11th of Novem- 
ber. They were a part of Mr. John Robinson's 
church and congregation, who, by the heat of perse- 
cution, had, some years before, been driven into. 



Plymouth. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 71 

Holland. Their design was to make a settlement chap. 
on Hudson's river, or in the adjacent country. For 
these parts they had obtained a patent. But the 1620 . 
Dutch had determined to make a firm settlement on 
the river, and therefore bribed the master of the ship 
to carry them further to the northward. Finding 
themselves without the limits of their patent, by vol- 
untary compact, they formed into a body politic, 
binding themselves, in the name of God, to submit 
to such laws and officers, as should be judged most 
subservient to the general good. They declared 
themselves the lawful subjects of king James : That 
they had undertaken the voyage, for the glory of 
God, the advancement of the christian faith, and the 
honour of their king and country. 

Doleful was the condition of these pious strangers! Sad condW 
By the length and hardships of the voyage, they were ^l" °* 
reduced to an enfeebled and sickly state. They had 
been betrayed with respect to the place of set- 
tlement, were without a patent, or so much as a pub- 
lic promise that they should enjoy their liberties 
either civil or religious. In a distressing season they 
were cast on an unknown and barbarous coast, des- 
titute of every accommodation for their comfort. 
There were no houses to cover them, no friends to 
entertain them, no civilized town or city, whence on 
any emergency they might derive succour : a vast 
wilderness, replete with savage beasts and men, spread 
itself horribly round them. 

It was the middle of December before they arriv- 
ed in' the harbour which lies before the town. It 
was the 25th of the month when they began to erect 
the first house for a general store. The hardships 
they endured in building themselves huts and un- 
lading their provisions scarcely admit of description. 
The harbour was so shallow, that their ship lay at 
more than a mile's distance from the town ; and it 
was often so stormy for several days together, as to 
prevent all communication between them. They 
were often obliged, in this cold season, to wade and 



72 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, labour in the water to get their provisions and furni- 

ture on shore. In less than three months, the scur- 

Sickness v y an d other diseases, which their long voyage, the 
and mor- extremity of the weather, their excessive fatigues, 
lty * the want of necessary provisions and habitations, 
brought upon them, reduced them to one half of 
their original numbers. So general was the sick- 
ness, at some times, that there were only six or sev- 
en well persons in the plantation. It was with great 
difficulty that they were able to tend the sick and 
bury the dead.* 

A combination of circumstances, singularly prov- 
idential, is observable in the settlement and preser- 
vation of these pious pilgrims in New- England. On 
1621. Hudson's river, and its vicinity, the Indians were 
very numerous, and had thev not been disappointed 
with respect to their original design, probably they 
would have fallen a prey to savage cruelty. In New- 
England providence had prepared the way for their 
settlement. The uncommon mortality in 1617, had 
in a manner depopulated that part of the country, in 
which they began their plantation. They found 
fields, which had been planted, without owners, and 
a fine country round them, in some measure cultivat- 
ed, without an inhabitant. The scattering Indians, 
who survived, had been particularly exasperated at 
the villanous conduct of captain Hunt. About 
six years before, he had kidnapped twenty Indians 
at this place, and seven at Nauset, and sold them for 
slaves ; yet such were the restraints laid upon them, 
that during the whole winter, not one of them' came 
into the town, nor were they seen but at a distance. 
They meditated the extirpation of the colonists, met, 
in great numbers and held a Pawaw in a hideous 
swamp ; where, for three days together, they delib- 
erated on the subject, and in their diabolical manner 
poured out their execrations against them.f Had 
they known their circumstances, they might have 

* Prince's Chron. part i. p. 103, 104. t Ibid, part i. p. 99. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 73 

©ut them off with the greatest facility ; but of these chap. 
they had no intelligence. 

The winter broke up sooner than usual, and as 1621 
the warm season advanced the mortality began to 
abate, the sick and lame to recover, and the people 
to assume new life and courage. 

On the sixteenth of March an Indian came boldly March 
into the town, and to their surprize gave them this 16th - Sam - 
friendly salutation, Welcome Englishmen ! Wei- '.^ £™ ' 
come Englishmen ! He was a petty sachem, whose town, 
name was Samoset, who had got a smattering of the 
English language from the fishermen on the eastern 
coast. They gave him a friendly reception, and 
on his part, he communicated :o them important 
intelligence, respecting the country. The gnvern- 
our despatched him to Massasoiet to invite him to 
an interview with them at Plymouth. He proved a 
faithful messenger, and on the twenty second of the 
monrh he came to them in company with Squanto, 
the only surviving 'Indian of that place. He was one 
of the twenty, whom captain Hunt kidnapped and 
soid in Spain; but he had been brought back first to 
London, where after living some time, he returned 
to his native country. He was friendly and could 
speak English. They reported that Massasoiet, the 
greatest king of the Indians, was just at hand, with 
his brother, Quadequina and their suit. He soon Massasoi- 

■* et visits 

approached the town with an armed train of sixty the ian- 
men. Governour Carver sent a message to him in- ta u° n - 
viting him into the town. After exchanging hosta- 
ges, Massasoiet with twenty men unarmed advanc- 
ed to the brook, where he was met by a file of 
Musketeers, and conducted to a house, where, in 
state, they seated him, with his train, upon a green 
rug, and a number of cushions. Immediately came 
the governour with drum, trumpet, and another file 
of musketeers. Having passed friendly salutations 
and kissed each others hands, they sat : and after an 
entertainment prepared for the purpose, they entered Treaty of 
into a perpetual league of friendship, commerce, and peace. 
Vol. I. 10 



74 



A GENERAL HTSTORY OF THE 



chap, mutual defence. Massasoiet was to give notice of 
11 the treaty to all his confederates, that they might not 
M h injure the plantation ; but enjoy all the advantages of 
22d. the alliance. The governour conducted the Indian 
prince to the brook, where he was received, and sa- 
luting each other they parted. Quadequina and his 
tn op were then conducted into the town, and enter- 
tained in a manner highly pleasing to them and their 
prince. Having finished their business, the hostages 
were exchanged, and the royal train departed. The 
savage king was a tall portly man, in the best period 
of life, of a grave countenance and sparing of 
speech.* This treaty gave general peace to the 
country, and laid a foundation for an amicable cor- 
respondence with the original nations, not only high- 
ly beneficial to Plymouth, but to all the future settle- 
ments for many years. 

Squanto stayed with the colonists, was their inter- 
preter among the nations, instructed them in the man- 
ner of planting and dressing their corn, and with re- 
spect to the most advantageous places for their fishe- 
ry. He was their guide to places unknown, their 
assistant in matters of treaty and commerce, and be- 
yond all expectation, an instrument of great public 
good to the colony. He continued with them until 
his death. f Another Indian named Hobbamock, 
one of Massasoiet's pianese, a stout young man, and 
of much influence among the Indian nations, came 
and resided among them, and was not less faithful 
and beneficial to the plantation than Squanto. Thus, 
without their seeking, the Supreme Ruler, sent them 
interpreters and messengers of peace ; and overruled 
an instance of villany, which had thrown all the In- 
1621. dians, in New-England, into a state of hostility to- 
wards the English, for their advantage, and for the 
benefit of all the future plantations. 
April, Soon after the treaty wi:h Massasoiet, the compa- 

pwernour sustained a sore loss and affliction, in the death of 

Carver J ' 

* Prince's Chron. parti, p. 100 — 103, f New-England Memorial p 27 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 75 

Mr. John Carver their governour. He was a gentle- chap. 
man of singular piety, condescension, fortitude, and IL 
public spirit. He had been agent for the company 
in England, and had spent the greatest part of a good 
fortune in the present enterprize. He had greatly 
endeared himself to the colony, not only by many 
important public services, but by his great humili- 
ty, and numerous kind offices in private life. They 
gave him all the honours at his funeral which were 
in their power : and, under their afflictions exhibited 
an example of brotherly love, patience, submission, 
and fortitude, not less extraordinary than their suf- 
ferings.* 

Mr. William Bradford was chosen to succeed 
him in the government, and Isaac Allerton was ap- 
pointed his assistant. 

Sensible of the importance of peace with the na- - , 

1 1 • • f t 1 1 i 11 Embassa. 

tives, the beginning ol July the govemour despatched dors sent 
messengers with presents to Massasoiet ; more firm- to . Ma *sa. 
ly to engage his friendship and establish the peace : S( 
to view the country and obtain a more perfect knowl- 
edge of its numbers and military strength. Among 
other things they presented their royal ally with a 
red cotton coat with lace trimmings, which very 
highly pleased his savage majesty. In return, he 
treated them with all the honours and civilities in his 
power. Mr. Winslow was lodged in the royal bed, 
which was constructed of a few planks, elevated 
about a foot from the ground. At one end of it 
lodged the king and queen, under a thin mat ; and at 
the other, Mr, Hopkins the other embassador, with a 
number of Massasoiet's grandees. The Indians in 
the country, on their way, treated them with uncom- 
mon kindness ; supplying them with provisions, car- 
rying their baggage, and even conveying them on 
their backs over the rivers and deep waters. 

In November, their agent Mr. Cushman arrived 
in the ship Fortune, with a recruit of thirty-five new 

* N. Eng, Memorial, p. 33, 34. 



76 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, planters, unhappily she brought no provisions for the 
plantation, and was but poorly furnished for her own 
1S21. P e °pl e - Her immediate return was necessary ; but 
she could not sail, till she was victualled by this 
needy people, who were in want themselves. Such, 
however were their self-denial and exertions, that in 
about a month she was victualled, and laden with furs 
and other articles to a large amount. 

By reason of the increase of their numbers, and the 
diminution of their stores, it now became necessary, 
to put all the planters on half allowance, for the term 
of six months. They had enjoyed a great degree of 
health during the summer and fall, and with exemplary 
harmony and diligence, had prosecuted the various 
business of the plantation. By the close of the year 
they had built seven dwelling houses, and four for 
public use. These small beginnings cost them not 
only many lives, but nearly two thousand pounds 
sterling, exclusive of all private expenses. 

Early the next winter reports were spread that the 
Narragansets were meditating an attack on the plan- 
tation. It was therefore determined to empale the 
whole town, inclosing the top of the hill under which 
March it was built. By the beginning of March the fortifi- 
5.622. cations were completed, the people assigned to their 
respective posts, and every precaution was taken to 
prevent a surprise. 

Meanwhile great accessions had been made to the 
colony in Virginia. Twenty-one ships had arrived, 
in which came over 1300 men, women, and children. 
This was effected principally by private adventurers. 
They considered the work as truly christian and glo- 
rious in itself, and of the highest consequence to the 
realm of England. Sir Francis Wyat had been ap- 
pointed governour, and came over with special di- 
rect ions, that the colony should regard the service 
of Almighty God, and train up the people in the prac- 
tice of religion and virtue. But while the affairs of 
the colony were assuming the most flattering aspect. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 77 

it was, all on a sudden, surprised, and came near a chap.- 
total destruction. 

Most of its settlements had been made in a scatter- 1622 
ing manner, where the planters could find a rich vein 
of land, or an agreeable situation. The Indians had 
such constant familiarity with them, that they knew 
every hut, field, and corner, where they might be 
found. They were not insensible of the advantage, 
which these circumstances afforded them, to surprise 
and cut them all off at one fatal blow. They saw 
with pain the encroachments they were making on 
their lands, and though they kept up the fairest ap- 
pearances, yet they had laid up, in their revengeful 
breasts, the remembrance of all the past injuries 
which they had received. Opechancanough, succes- 
sor to Powhatan, was a haughty, politic, and bloody 
man, intent on the destruction of the English, when- 
ever a fair opportunity should present. He there- 
fore concerted the plan of a general massacre of the 
colony. So general was the combination, among all 
his confederates, and so deeply laid the plot, that they 
had warning through all their habitations ; and every 
nation and party had their station and part assigned 
them. 

On the 22d of March, about noon, when the men Massacre 
were generally unarmed and at work, they rose upon !" ^xi" 
them, and in one hour, nay, almost in the same in- 22d. 
stant, three hundred and forty seven men, women, 
and children fell by their bloody hands. So silent 
and sudden was the destruction, that few perceived 
the weapon by which they fell. In this general car- 
nage six of their council were slain. The murderers 
slew all before them, without pity or remorse, with- 
out regard to age, sex, dignity, or friendship. This 
massacre would have been much more dreadful than 
it was, had it not been for a merciful interposition of 
providence. A christian Indian had been solicited, 
by his brother, the preceding evening, to kill one 
Mr. Pace, with whom he lived : and by this cir- 
cumstance, became acquainted with the design which 



78 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, had been formed of extirpating the whole colony on 
the morrow. Instead of murdering Mr. Puce he 
1622. immediately acquainted him with the plot. Intelli- 
gence of it was communicated to Jamestown and 
other places with all possible despatch. Wherever 
it came, and the people were on their guard, the sav- 
ages ran off abandoning their attempt. Such, how- 
ever, was the slaughter, as gave a grievous wound 
to this yet weak and infant colony. It spread such 
general consternation, that the small plantations were 
abandoned, and the people drawn together at five or 
six of the best and most defensible towns. In the 
hurry and confusion of moving, many cattle and a great 
quantity of goods were left, and afterwards destroyed 
by the Indians. They plundered and burned houses, 
mills, the iron works, and every thing which came 
in their way. Mr. Thorpe the superintendant of the 
college was slain, the college lands deserted, and that 
benevolent institution, which was designed for their 
benefit, was entirely defeated by their own hands.* 
Some of the inhabitants sustained such losses, that 
they were reduced to famine. 

While the Virginians were mourning their losses, 
the people of New-Plymouth, who through the win- 
ter, had subsisted at half allowance, began to ex- 
perience the distresses of famine. By the beginning 
of May, they had expended their provisions. With 
all the earnestness of a people, on the point of fam- 
ishing, they looked for supplies ; but they looked in 
vain. The Fortune, which, with so much exertion 
Great and self denial, they had fitted for sea, and by the 
scarcity, return of which they expected a supply, just as she 
arrived on the English coast, was taken, carried into 
France,and robbed of every thing valuable. But in this 
extremity, his liberal hand who supplies the wants 
of every living thing, made provision for their relief. 
Captain Hudson, who came, that spring, on a fish- 
ing voyage into the eastern parts of New-England, 
sent to the governour an obliging letter, certifying him 

* Styth's hist, from p. 208—213. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 79 

of the massacre of the Virginians ; and expressing chap. 
his wishes, that the plantation might derive caution 
and benefit, from the slaughter of their countrymen. 1G22 . 
The governour immediately despatched Mr. Win- 
slow to represent to him the pitiable state of the colo- 
ny ; and, if possible, to obtain some assistance. Great 
was the humanity, with which the captain treat- 
ed Mr. Winslow. He not only furnished him 
with what provisions he could spare, but used his 
influence with others on the coast, to excite the 
same benevolence. By these means, so much bread 
was obtained, as amounted to four ounces a day, 
for each person till the harvest. On the return of 
Mr. Winslow, he found the people indeed in a most 
miserable condition. Both their strength and their 
flesh failed, for want of bread. Some began to swell, 
and had it not been for the shell fish, which they 
caught along the shore, they must have perished. 

The Indians apprized of their weakness began to 
insult them, boasting, that, in a short time, they 
should be able to cut them off with ease. The dis- 
aster in Virginia, with these insults, so alarmed the 
colony, that, in addition to their other works, they 
built a strong and handsome fort, on the hill, which 
overlooked the whole town. On this, they moun- 
ted their cannon, and kept a constant guard. It was 
erected not only with a view to the common safety, 
but for the more secure and convenient celebration 
of the public worship. 

Though the colonists had employed their utmost 
exertions in the cultivation of the earth, and in trade 1623. 
with the Indians, to furnish themselves with provisions, 
yet as they had no supplies from England, they 
had again the next year, the sad experience of fam- 
ine. In the months of February and March, Want of 
they were obliged to subsist chiefly on ground P 1,ovlslon 
nuts, clams, muscles, and such miserable food as 
could be obtained from the gleanings of the forest 
and the sea shore. They therefore, this spring, de- 
termined, if possible, to take such effectual measures 



gO A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, to obtain a plentiful harvest, as should prevent their 
languishing, in future, as they had before done with 
Exertions hunger and want. All the youth were ranged under 
to prevent particular families, and each family had the encour- 
famme. agement of enjoying the advantages of its own labours. 
This drew the whole strength of the colony into ex- 
ertion. The very women and children went into the 
field. Such quantities of corn were planted, as much 
exceeded what had been done in any of the preceding 
years. 

But by the time their planting was finished, their 
provisions were spent, and they had neither bread nor 
corn for three or four months. At night they knew 
not where they should find a morsel in the morning.* 
Some were appointed to hunt, and others to fish, and 
what could be obtained in these ways was amicably 
divided among them. Thus they subsisted on wild 
game and the natural fruits of the country till the 
harvest. 

In addition to this, a new scene of distress presen- 
ted. Notwithstanding the care, which the people 
had taken, for the securing of a plentiful harvest, yet, 
about mid-summer their expectations seemed to be 
wholly defeated. From the third week in May, till 
the middle of July, they were visited with uncom- 
mon drought and heat. Not only the blade, but the 
stalks of the corn withered, as though they had 
been entirely dead.f The ships and supplies, which 
had long been expected from England did not arrive 
Despond- and it was concluded that they were lost. The peo- 
encyofthe pl e therefore, seeinsr nothing; but famine and certain 

colonists i ■ « • 

destruction before them, sunk into great discourage- 
ment. They say, " The most courageous are now 
discouraged. Now are our hopes overthrown, 
our joy being turned into mourning." In these 
depths of affliction they repaired to Him, who could 

* Morton's Memorial, p. 49, 50. Prince's Chron. p. ii. p. 135- 
| Page 137, 138, 139. Mr. Morton mistaking governour Bradford, 
has wrongly placed this drought in the preceding year. Several oth- 
ers have followed his mistake. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 8\ 

furnish a table in the wilderness, and sought his chap. 

merciful interposition. The morning of their fast, ^_ 

was hot and fair without a cloud; but before the public 1533. 
solemnities were concluded, the heavens were overcast. 
Soon the rain began to descend in gentle and plente- 
ous showers which continued,by turns,for several days, 
till the earth was thoroughly soaked. The corn revived 
even to admiration, and promised a joyful harvest. 

Soon after the long expected ships arrived. With 
them came a good vessel, built for the service of the 
plantation. 

In these ships arrived sixty new planters, generally Fri . end ? 
in good health. Some of them were the wives and chil- 
dren of those, who came first to Plymouth. Some others, 
Mr. Timothy Hatherly, Mr. George Morton, and Mr. 
John Jenny, were men of considerable character, and 
of singular importance and service to the colony. 

It is impossible to describe that strange composi- Descrip- 
tion of chagrin, sorrow, sympathy, and joy, which, tlon . of 
at this meeting presented themselves in the most meeting-. 
lively colours. The first planters had received no 
supplies of clothing since their arrival. They were 
therefore not only pale with famine, but they were 
miserably clothed. When the passengers came on 
shore and saw their extreme poverty, they were fill- 
ed with sadness and dismay. Some burst into tears, 
and passionately wished themselves again in their 
native country. In the poverty and distress of this 
poor people, they imagined they foresaw their own 
future miseries. Some felt the lively exercises of 
sympathetic commiseration for the calamitous state 
of their friends. Others greatly rejoiced at the pres- 
ent interview. Parents and children, husbands and 
wives, brethren and sisters, embraced each other, 
with endearments peculiar to such relatives, after a 
long and painful separation.* 

The best dish, with which the colony were able 
to furnish these welcome guests, was a lobster with 

* New-England Memorial, p. 54>. 

Vol. I. 11 



82 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



1623. 



chap, out bread or any other article, excepting a cup of 
IL fair spring water. They made this remark on their 
manner of living. " The long continuance of this 
diet, with our labours abroad, has somewhat abated 
the' freshness of our complexion, but God gives us 
health."* The welcome harvest came, and the face 
of affairs was changed. Plenty succeeded famine, 
and their hearts were filled with food and gladness. 
In the mean time the Virginians took an ample 
revenge for the slaughter of their fellow colonists. 

Massacre In the fall after the massacre, they burned several of 

revenged. ^ j nc jj an towns, and took from them nearly 4,000 
bushels of corn. In consequence of these depreda- 
tions, the enemy the next winter were reduced to 
famine and great distress. 

July 23d. The next July, four or five different parties were 
detached to attack them, at the same time, in so 
many different places. They all falling upon 
them on the same day, made a very consider- 
able slaughter. Some of their kings and war 
captains were slain, their corn and settlements 
destroyed. They were so weakened and brok- 
en, that the planters, in confidence of their inabili- 
ty to injure them, returned again to the towns and 
settlements which they had abandoned. The har- 
vest was plenteous, and the state of the colony be- 
came easy and comfortable. 

1624. The ncxt spring Mr. Winslow, agent for the col- 

ony of Plymouth, brought over a good supply of 
clothing and some neat cattle. These were the first 
imported into New-England. Goats, hogs, and 
poultry, had been transported into the country, and 
had increased exceedingly. 

London ^ quo warranto was this year issued, by his Brit- 
company ., 1 . . . t-i r 

dissolved, isn majesty, against the great London company for 
planting Virginia. It consisted of more than a 
thousand adventurers. More than two hundred of 
them were earls, knights, and noblemen, of the first 

* Prince's Chron. part ii. p. 140. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 83 

rank and character in the nation. Many others were chap. 
merchants and gentlemen of principal figure and for- 
tunes. But on the 15th of July, they were wholly 1624 
broken up, by the king and his ministers. Their 
records, books of account, and papers, were all seiz- 
ed and taken from them. They had paid the great- 
est attention to their business, and neglected their 
own private affairs, to promote the growth and pros- 
perity of the colony. Beside all their time and 
trouble, they had expended more than a hundred 
thousand pounds of their own private property. 
Great sums were due to the company. Nearly a 
thousand pounds were due from Sir Thomas Smith, 
their first treasurer. But they never could recover 
their books, papers, nor debts. Neither could they 
ever obtain any compensation, for the damage done 
to them and the colony, by governour Argall.* 
Previous to the incorporation of this company Sir 
Walter Raleigh had expended, in his enterprises and 
attempts to make settlements, 40,000/. without the 
aid of a shilling from the crown. Nor had the gov- 
ernment ever granted the least aid, nor been at the 
least expense for the colony, from its commence- 
ment to the then present time.f In the short period 
of about seventeen years king James granted, super- 
seded, or vacated three successive charters. The 
first, to Sir Thomas Gates and others, was supersed- Charters 
ed, by his letters patent, May 3d, 1609, to the vac 
earl of Salisbury and others, incorporating them, by 
the name of The treasurer and company of adventur- 
ers and planters of the city of London, for the first 
colony in Virginia. This grant conveyed to them 
and their successors, all the lands in Virginia, two 
hundred miles north and south of point Comfort, 
along the sea coast : and this breadth, of four hun- 
dred miles, throughout all the main land from sea 
to sea. It also conveyed all the islands within one 
hundred miles of any part of it ; with all the com- 

* Styth's History, book V. f Jefferson's Notes, p. 194. 



g4 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, modities, jurisdictions, royalties, franchises, and pre- 
eminences within, or appertaining to the same ; in 
1624. as ample a manner as had been before granted to 
any adventurer. This territory was to be holden in 
common soccage of the king and his successors, giv- 
ing one fifth part of the geld and silver ore in lieu of 
all other services. The charter established a coun- 
cil in England for the direction of the enterprise. 
The members of it were to be chosen and displaced 
by the voice of a majority of the company and ad- 
venturers. They had also the nomination and revo- 
cation of governours, officers, and ministers, which 
they should judge necessary for the colony. They 
were vested with plenary powers of establishing laws, 
forms of government, and magistracy, obligatory not 
only in the colony, but on the seas, in passing from 
the respective countries. It also granted to the col- 
onists all the rights of natural subjects, as if born and 
abiding in the realm of England. It contained a de- 
claration, that, in all doubtful cases, these letters should 
be construed in such a manner as should be most 
for the benefit of the grantees. This second, was 
superseded by a third charter, March 12th, 1612, in 
which were included all islands in any part of the 
ocean, between the 30th and 41st degrees of latitude, 
and within three hundred leagues of any of the parts 
afore granted. The design of this was, to give the 
company and colony the Summer islands.* 
Civil con- By virtue of the authorities given by these char- 
of virgin- ters > the company, on the 24th of July, 1621, estab- 
ia. lished a form of government under their common 

seal. This, for the future, ordained, that there should 
be two supreme councils in Virginia. One to be 
called the council of state ; to be placed and displac- 
ed, by the treasurer, council in England, and com- 
pany, from time to time, whose office was to give 
advice and assistance to the governour. The other, 
was to be called the general assembly, to be conven-* 

* Styth's History. Jn his appendix the charters may be seen atlarjrc 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 85 

©d once annually by the governour, or oftener as cir- chap. 
cumstances might render it necessary. This was to 
consist of the council of state, and two burgesses out 162 4 
of every town, hundred, or plantation, to be respec- 
tively chosen by the inhabitants. In the assembly 
all matters were to be determined by a majority of 
the votes present. The governour had a negative 
voice. The assembly had the power of enacting 
laws for the government of the colony, of treating, 
consulting, and determining, on all emergencies, for 
the common safety and happiness. Their laws and 
government, were, as nearly as might be, to imitate 
the laws and policy of England. No laws were to 
have any validity till ratified in a general quarterly 
court of the company in England, and returned un- 
der their common seal. It was provided, nevertheless, 
that after the government of the colony should be 
well framed and settled, no orders of the council in 
England, should bind the colony, unless ratified in 
the said assembly. This was the ancient constitu- 
tion of Virginia. The company transported more 
than 9,000 English subjects into Virginia, which 
cost them 150,000/. Besides this, and all private 
expenses, the settlement of the colony cost about 
4,000 lives.* King James, on the dissolution of the 
company, took the colony into an immediate depend- 
ence on the crown, to be governed by mere preroga- 
tive. 

At the close of this year the town of New- Plym- 
outh contained thirty two dwelling houses, and one 
hundred and eighty inhabitants. Such had been their 
health, for the term of three years, that, among the 
first planters, there had not been an instance of death. 

In November 1626 this small and indigent people Nov. 1626. 
came to a composition with the company in England. 
For the consideration of 1800/. sterling, they made 
a consignment of all their lands, stocks, shares, mer- 
chandizes, and chattels to the colony. The other 

* Stylh's Hist. p. 306, compared with p. 311, 312. 



86 

CHAP. 
II. 



1626. 



Constitu- 
tion of 
New Ply 
mouth. 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

debts of the colony were not less than 600/. Yet, 
such was the harmony and industry of this people, 
that in a few years, they effected the payment of the 
whole debt. Such was their brotherly love, that they 
were not only at the expense of bringing over their 
brethren from Leyden gratis, but of furnishing them 
after their arrival with a year's provisions.* The ex- 
pense of this was considerably more than the whole 
amount of their public debt.f 

They obtained an ample patent, from the council 
for New-England, conveying to them a considerable 
territory, where they made their first settlements. 
This was chiefly within the limits of the county of 
Plymouth. It also conveyed another tract, under the 
description of "All that part of New-England between 
the utmost limits of Capersecont, or Camascecont, 
which adjoineth to the river Kennebeck, and the falls 
of Negumke, with the said river itself, and the 
space of fifteen miles on each side between the bounds 
above said." The council granted the colony, as 
ample powers of government, as had been granted to 
them by his British majesty's letters patent. They 
had no charter, or powers of government, from the 
king ; J but in his letters to the colony their rights 
were as fully recognized as those of the other colo- 
nies. Their government was entirely by voluntary 
compact. On the 23d of March the governour and 
assistants were annually elected from among them- 
selves. Till the year 1624, they had only a govern- 

* Prince's Chron. part n.p. 166, 168, 169, 192. 

f They were brought over at four different times, October 9th, 
1621, 36 arrived ; July, 1623, 60 ; August, 1629, 35 with their fami- 
lies ; probably about a hundred and seventy persons. In May, 1630, 
about 60 more arrived ; making in the whole 316. From accounts now 
before me, it appears, that the whole expense of their transportation 
amounted to 2690/. sterling. The whole number of Mr. Robinson's 
congregation, which came over, was about 417. The whole expense 
of transporting this colony, with their arms and effects maybe esti- 
mated at 4,690/. 

+ They expended 500/. sterling to obtain a royal charter; his maj- 
esty consented, and the solicitor was ordered to draw it up, but the. 
agents petitioning for an exemption from the customs for seven years 
inward and twenty one outward, the lord treasurer refused, and it 
never passed the seals. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 87 

oiir with one assistant. From this period five were chap. 

annually chosen, and the governour had a double 

voice. The number of assistants was afterwards in- 162 6. 
creased to seven. The governour and his assistants 
went under the general name of the associates of the 
colony of New- Plymouth. They were to all intents 
the representatives of the people. All laws were en- 
acted and all government managed by them for al- 
most twenty years. In 1639 the towns, for the first 
time sent deputies. Their first general assembly was 
convened the same year on the fourth of June. They 
had a few laws, which they termed general fundamen- 
tals ; and some others adapted to their peculiar cir- 
cumstances ; but, in general, they were governed 
by the common law and statutes of England. Their 
fundamentals secured to them all the rights of free 
born English subjects. Agreeably to them, no acts, 
laws, nor ordinances could be imposed on them, but 
such as were enacted by the consent of the body of 
the freemen or associates, or' their representatives le- 
gally assembled. No person could be endamaged 
with respect to life, limb, liberty, name, or estate, 
but by some express law of the general court, or by 
the laws of England. They secured to them the 
right of trial by jury ; and made provision, that jus- 
tice should neither be sold, denied, nor cause- 
lessly deferred ; but impartially administred to all. 
Thus, after all preceding attempts to make settle- 
ments, in this part of the continent, though made by 
several noble personages, and at great expense had 
failed, this small and indigent people, at their sole ex- 
pense, by their union and industry accomplished a 
firm settlement. They effected a general peace with 
the natives, and established a free and permanent 
government. 

While the colony of New-Plymouth was rising in- 
to public credit and importance, large bodies of re- 
ligious people in England were making prepara- 
tions for more extensive settlements in New-England. 



§8 A GENERAL HISTORY OF TH£ 

chap. On the 19th of March 1628, the council for New- 

'__ England granted unto Sir Henry Roswell, Sir John 

1628. Young, knights, Thomas Southcoat, John Hum- 
Massa- phreys, John Endicot, and Simon Whetcomb, their 
patent, tS heirs, assigns, and associates for ever, all that part of 
March New-England in America, which lies and extends 
I9th,i628. b e t ween Merrimack river and Charles river in the 
bottom of Massachusetts-Bay, and three miles to the 
north and south of every part of Charles river, and 
three miles southward of the southermost part of said 
bay, and three miles north of every part of Merri- 
mack river, and "all lands and hereditaments what- 
soever lying within the limits aforesaid north and 
south, in latitude and in breadth, and in length and 
longitude, of and within all the breadth aforesaid 
throughout the main lands there, from the Atlantic 
sea and ocean on the east part, to the south sea on 
the west part."* 

Mr. White, minister of Dorchester, in England, 
was fixed in the design of making a settlement in 
New-England, for the purposes of religion ; whither 
nonconformists might transport themselves, and en- 
joy the blessings of liberty in worship and discipline. 
Therefore effecting an acquaintance and association 
between Sir Richard Saltonstall, Matthew Cradock, 
and John Venn, Esquires, who were of the Dorches- 
ter grantees, and a number of religious gentlemen in 
London and its vicinity, he negotiated a treaty for 
the patent between them and the original patentees. 
These associates; having made a purchase of the pa- 
tent, sent over Mr. John Endicot, one of the original 
patentees, with planters and whatever was necessary 
for the beginning of a new colony. In September he 
arrived at Naumkeak and settled the town of Salem. 
He was agent to transact all the affairs of the compa- 
ny till the arrival of the patentees themselves. 

* G.overnour Hutchinson fixes this in 1627, but, according to the 
present manner of dating it was 1628. It was formerly customary 
not to begin the date of the new year, till nearly three months after 
the first of January. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 39 

The patent from the council of Plymouth convey- chap. 
ed a complete right to territory, but no powers of 
government. The associates therefore addressed 16 o 9 
king Charles I. for a charter of incorporation, which 
should confirm their patent and vest them with civil 
powers. This passed the seals March 4th, 1629. This ls * chart- 
ordained, that there should be a governour, deputy sadiusett* 
governour, and eighteen assistants annually chosen out granted 
of the freemen of the company ; that they, and all ™2Q Ch4t>h 
who should be made free of the company, should be 
for ever a body corporate and politic, by the name of 
the governour and company of the Massachusetts 
Bay, in New -Engl and, and have perpetual suc- 
cession. Matthew Cradock was appointed the first 
governour and Thomas Goff deputy governour. Both 
the governours and magistrates were zealously engag- 
ed to make a firm settlement in New-Engiand, for 
the purposes of religion. Six ships were furnished 
by the company, and despatched to New- England. 
In them were brought over nearly 400 men, women, 
and children. About 140 neat cattle, a number of 
horses and goats, great quantities of provisions, arms, 
and ammunition were also transported into the colo- 
ny. The expense of the transportation was 3,360/. 
sterling.* 

About a hundred of these planters began a planta- 
tion at Mishawam, which they named Charles- 
town. 

The other planters settled at Salem, where the num- 
ber of inhabitants was now between three and four 
hundred. Here a church was formed, and Mr. Skel- First 
ton was ordained pastor, and Mr. Higginson teacher. ^J^j, 
This was the first completely organized church in nation, 
New-England. Aug. 6th. 

Meanwhile the Massachusetts company in England 
were making vigorous preparations for a much larger 
embarkation than had yet been made; and, for the bet- 
ter government of the colony and the encouragement 

* Prince's Chron. p. 182, 183. 

Vol. I. 12 



90 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



chap, of gentlemen of quality and religion, the company had 
n - resolved on the transportation of the patent and cor- 
~77Z~ poration itself from Old to New- England. 

1630. r r-i i i i* i • i 

Early the next spring fourteen ships were ready to 
sail, furnished with all necessaries to plant a per- 
manent colony. Three others were afterwards pro- 
vided. Eleven of them arrived in New-England be- 
fore the middle of July, and before the end of the 
year the whole seventeen arrived. In these ships 
came over more than fifteen hundred people.* Ma- 
ny of them were gentlemen of estate and figure, edu- 
cated in the best towns and cities in England. Be- 
fore the sailing of the ships from England, there had 
been a new election of governours and magistrates, of 
such gentlemen as were willing to transport themselves, 
and undertake the government of the colony. John 
Winthrop, Esq. was chosen governour, and Thom- 
as Dudley, Esq. deputy governour. The govern- 
Govem- ours arrived at Salem in the Arabella on the twelfth 
juneTih. °f J une « Four of the magistrates, Sir Richard Sal- 
tonstall, Mr. Johnson and his lady, William Cod- 
dington and Charles Fines, Esquires, arrived with 
them in the same ship. With the people came over 
four ministers, Messrs. Maverick, Warham, Wil- 
son, and Philips ; to illuminate the infant churches, 
and proclaim in the wilderness the glad tidings of sal- 
vation. Besides other cattle there were brought over 
nearly three hundred kine. 

The governour on his arrival found the colony in 
very disagreeable circumstances. They had lost 
eighty of their numbers the preceding winter,and many 
of the survivors were in a miserably weak, and sick- 
ly condition. They had not corn enough to last them 
more than a fortnight, and their other provisions 
were very scanty. Such was the scarcity, that they 
had liberated all their servants, that they might shift 
for themselves. The whole number was a hundred 
and eighty. They had cost them sixteen and twen- 

* Hutch, vol. i. p. 19. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 9] 

ty pounds a head. So that they sustained a loss of chap. 
more than three thousand pounds. ' 

Sometime in July the governour with about 1500 ltr , . 
people arrived at Charlestown.* Here and at Boston, Towns 
a considerable number of the patentees fixed their scttled - 
abode, under the pastoral care of Mr. Wilson ; Messrs. 
Warham and Maverick with their people settled at 
Dorchester. Sir Richard SaltonstaU and his compa- 
ny planted themselves at Watertown. Mr. Philips 
was chosen their pastor. Mr. Pynchon with another 
company settled Roxbury. The famous Mr. Eliot 
and Mr. Weld, who came into New- England the 
next year, were elected their ministers. 

As several of the ships had a long passage of seven- 
teen or eighteen weeks, many of the people came on 
shore in a feeble and sickly condition ; and for want 
of convenient food and lodgings, the sickness exceed- 
ingly increased. So great was the mortality, that be- Mortalit . v - 
fore the close of the year two hundred of them were 
in their graves. Among these were some of their 
principal characters. With them was that excellent 
and pious lady, Arabella, who was celebrated for ma- 
ny virtues. Though she had been educated in a par- 
adise of plenty and pleasure, in the family of the earl 
of Lincoln, yet she sacrificed ease, friends, and life it- 
self, for the noble purposes of planting liberty and 
Christianity in the wilds of America. Mr. Johnson 
her husband survived her but a few weeks. He died 
at Boston in September with great composure and 
triumph, rejoicing, that he had lived to see a church 
gathered in America. He was the second in the 
council, and had much the largest fortune of any, who, 
at that time, came into New-England. He was high- 
ly characterized for wisdom, piety, and benevolence. 
Mr. Rossiter, another of the council, died in October. 

The whole number of planters who arrived in the 
colony, from the beginning, before the close of the 
year was about 2000 ; of these 100 returned to Eng- 

* Prince's Chron. p. 240. 



92 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, land, 200 died, the remaining 1,700 settled eleven 
towns or villages,each consisting, on an average, of 150 
1631 inhabitants, nearly thirty families.* 
Extreme By the 24th of December the weather became ex- 
coid. tremelv severe. The rivers shut over, and many of 
the people froze. Such a Christmas as the succeed- 
ing day they had never before seen. From this time 
to the tenth of February it continued so extremely 
cold, that they had sufficient employment to keep 
themselves in any tolerable measure comfortable. The 
poorer sort of people, lying in tents, hovels, and mis- 
erable huts, suffered extremely indeed. Many of diem 
died of the scurvy and other diseases. By spring 
they were generally reduced to a company of mourn- 
ers. There was scarcely a family in which there had 
not been a death. f Beside the sickness and loss of 
Scarcity. f r i enc js, they were reduced to great distress for warn of 
provisions. Several of the ships, which came the last 
year, neglected to bring their complement of provis- 
ion ; and much of that which had been brought was 
damaged. Many therefore, before the spring, were 
obliged to subsist upon clams, muscles, and other shell 
fish,with acorns and ground nuts instead of bread. So 
great and general was the scarcity, that even at the 
go\ ernour's house the last bread was in the oven. 
Such were the extremities, to which people of the best 
fortunes and characters were reduced, to plant church- 
es in the wilderness, and transmit to posterity the in- 
valuable enjoyments of liberty and undefiled relip-ion. 
Captain Pierce had been despatched, late in the fall, 
to Ireland for provisions ; but the people imagined he 
had been taken or cast away, and seeing no human 
prospect of relief they fell into great fear and despond- 
ency. A public fast had been appointed on the sixth 
of February, to seek the divine aid. He who delights 
to appear in the greatest extremities and to magnify 
his mercies by the seasonableness of them, gave this 
pious people sweet experience of the faithfulness of 

* Prince's Chron. vol. ii. p. 31. 
f Ibid. vol. ii. p. 6, 18, 20. Hutch, vol. i. p. 2"3. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 93 

his promise, " Before they call I will answer, and chap. 
whiles they are yet speaking I will hear." The 
very day before the appointed fast, Captain Pierce 1631 
arrived, in the ship Lyon, laden with provisions. She 
had a stormy passage ; and, even after she got into 
the harbour, rode amidst drifts of ice ; yet, in mercy Relief, 
to this famishing colony, came safe into port. On 
this joyful occasion, the governour appointed the 
twenty second of the month a day of thanksgiving 
throughout the plantations.* 

The company had lost on board their ships in their 
passage from England, and in the winter, more than 
half their cattle. A milch cow was valued from 
twenty five to thirty pounds sterling. Provisions, 
in England, were this year, excessively clear. Every 
bushel of wheat flour cost fourteen shillings ster- 
ling. Peas and Indian corn each bore the price 
of ten shillings by the bushel. The threats and hos- 
tile appearances of the Indians put the colony into 
almost continual fear and alarm. It was happy in- 
deed, that, in their feeble state, the}' were only alarm- 
ed. On this account, however, they sustained no 
inconsiderable damage. It disconcerted their plans, 
retarded their building and settlements for several 
months. By a combination of these various circum- 
stances the colony was exceedingly impoverished. Colony 
The estates of the undertakers, in particular, receiv- J^ p ^ ver " 
ed an essential injury. The stock, in which they 
were jointly engaged, to the amount of three or four 
thousand pounds, was reduced to so many hundreds. f 

At a general court of election, May 18th, govern- 
our Winthrop and governour Dudley were re-elected 
to their respective offices, in which they continued 
for many years. 

While plantations were increasing in New-England 
a plan had been concerted for the settlement of a new 
colony in the northeast part of Virginia. Sir George 
Calvert, Lord Baltimore, who had been secretary to 

* Prince's Chron. vol. ii. p. 18. f Ibid. vol. ii.p. 9, 19. 



94 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. James I. having avowed his adherence to the Romish 
faith, for the more undisturbed enjoyment of his re- 
1632. hgion, made a voyage to Virginia. He was one of 
the original associates of the Virginia company, and 
a member of the corporation till its dissolution. In 
Virginia therefore, he hoped to find a peaceful retreat. 
But the Virginians were staunch churchmen, and 
would tolerate no profession but their own. His lord- 
ship received such ill treatment from them, as deter- 
mined him upon another adventure. Finding that 
there were large tracts of land on the Chesapeak, ac- 
commodated with many fine rivers, without an Eng- 
lish inhabitant, he conceived the idea of planting a 
colony for himself. That he might observe what 
would quadrate with his own inclinations, and more 
accurately fix the boundaries of the colony which he 
designed, he made a journey to the northward and 
explored the country on the bay. On application to 
Charles I. he made him a grant agreeable to his wishes. 
April 15th But before the patent passed the seals, his lordship 
was no more. The patent therefore came out to his son 
Cecil, bearing date June 20th, 1632. This was a con- 
siderable defalcation of Virginia, originating entirely 
from the treatment of lord Baltimore. It probably pav- 
ed the way for the more capital ones which succeeded. 
Settle- The next year lord Baltimore appointed his brother, 

mentof Leonard Calvert, Esq. governour; who came over 
1623. an ' vv ^ tn about two hundred planters, and began the set- 
tlement of the colony at Yamaco, an Indian town near 
the mouth of the Patowmac. They were generally 
Roman catholicks and gentlemen of good families. 
Some of the principal planters were the governour, 
his brother George Calvert, Jeremiah Hawley, Thom- 
as Cornwallis, Richard Gerrard, Edward Winter, and 
Henry Wiseman, Esquires. These with several 
others seem to have been of the governour's council. 
Lord Baltimore gave his colony the name of Mary- 
land, in honour to Henrietta Maria queen of King 
Charles I. It is said that the cost of its settlement, 
©nly for the two first years, in the transportation of 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 95 

planters, provisions, other stores, utensils, &c. was Chap. 
not less than 40,000/. sterling.* 

Various circumstances united their influence to j 63 4, 
advance the settlement of Maryland. The charter 
of incorporation was one of the most ample, which 
had been granted to any subject in the kingdom. It 
not only conveyed the lands in the fullest manner, 
but authorized a free assembly, without the least roy- 
al interference. Liberty of conscience was allowed 
to christians of all denominations. The country was 
inviting. Presents were made to the Indians to their 
satisfaction ; so that the colony was in perfect peace. 
These circumstances, together with the rigid princi- 
ples of the Virginians, and some of the other colo- 
nists, had influence to expedite the settlement. Re- 
markable it was, that under a Roman catholick pro- 
prietary, puritans were indulged that liberty of con- 
science, which was denied them by their fellow pro- 
testants. Emigrants flocked in such numbers into the 
colony, that it soon became populous and flourishing. 

During the civil wars in England lord Baltimore 
was deprived of the jurisdiction of Maryland. After 
the restoration, his son Charles, Lord Baltimore, ob- 
tained a confirmation of the grant made in 1632, but 
as he was a Roman catholick, the crown retained ju- 
risdiction and appointed all civil officers. The pro- 
prietor afterwards became a protestant, and enjoyed 
both property and jurisdiction. 

The growing spirit of intolerance in England, made 
it more and more necessary for puritans to seek an 
asylum in America. In 1632 and the three suc- 
ceeding years many worthy characters arrived in 
Massachusetts, and the settlements were greatly in- 
creased. The freemen became too numerous to meet 
in general court, once every three months. Besides it 
was by no means consistent with the safety of the colony, 
as it exposed the plantations to a surprise by the In- 
dians. In 1634 the freemen therefore elected deputies,. TJle fipsl 

* Douglas, vol. ii. p. 357, 358. 



96 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 
II. 

1634. 
General 
Assembly 
in Massa.- 
chusetts, 
May 1634. 



Constitu- 
tion of 
Massa- 
chusetts. 



Old patent 

ofConnec- 

ticut, 

March 

19th,1631. 



in their respective towns, who, at the general court in 
May, met with the magistrates in a general assembly. 
It was the first ever convened in New- England. 
Till this time, both the legislative, as well as execu- 
tive power, had been almost entirely in the hands of 
the governour and assistants. This was indeed agree- 
able to the charter. It did not authorize a general 
assembly. The freemen nevertheless concluded that 
it implied an assembly, as it vested them with the 
rights of Englishmen. At any rate they were de- 
termined to secure their just and natural rights. It 
was therefore resolved, that each plantation should 
choose, and send, two or three of their number to 
the general court: and that these deputies of the 
several towns should have the powers and voices of 
all the freemen in the commonwealth : that none but 
the general court had power to raise monies and 
taxes, to dispose of lands and confirm the propriety, 
to make laws and appoint officers civil and military. 
It was also resolved, that the general court should 
not be dissolved, without the consent of a majority 
of the court. Every freeman was to give his own 
voice in the election of governours and assistants, 
but in all other matters their deputies acted for them. 
It was soon found that four general courts in a year 
were inexpedient, and it was determined that there 
should be two only. The civil body, as thus settled, 
continued without any material alteration till the 
dissolution of their charter.* 

Soon after the commencement of settlements in 
the Massachusetts, a plan was conceived of planting 
a colonv on Connecticut river and the adjacent coun- 
try. On the 19th of March, 163 l,f Robert, earl of 
Warwick, president of the council of Plymouth, 
granted unto the right honourable viscount Say and 
Seal, Lord Brook, &c. to the number of eleven, 
their heirs, assigns, and associates for ever, " all 
that part of New-England in America, which lies 

* Hutch, vol. i. p. 35,36,37. f March 19th, 1630, according - to 

the old way of dating, was March 19th, 1631. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 97 

and extends itself from a river there, called Narra- 
gansett river, the space of forty leagues upon a straight 
line near the sea shore toward the southwest, west, and 163 , 
by south, or west as the coast licth towards Virgin- 
ia, accounting three English miles to the league, and 
all and singular the lands and hereditaments whatso- 
ever, lying and being within the lands aforesaid, 
north and south in latitude and breadth, and in length 
and longitude of and within all the breadth aforesaid 
throughout all the mainlands there, from the west- 
ern ocean to the south seas." 

A number of capital characters, who had arrived 
in the Massachusetts, some in 1630, and others in 
1633, determined, with their companies, to make set- 
tlements under this patent. Of this number were 
John Haynes and Roger Ludlow, Esquires, Messrs. 
Hooker, Warham, and Stone. In prosecution of their Settie- 
design, on the 15th of October, 1635, about sixty mcnt of . 
men, women, and children, from Dorchester, Cam- cut"" 60 " 
bridge, and Watertown commenced their journey,* 
through the wilderness to Connecticut river, and 
began the settlement of Windsor, Hartford, and 
Weathersfield. In November Mr. John Winthrop, 
agent for their lordships Say and Seal, Brook, &c. 
arrived in the mouth of the river, built a fort at 
Say-Brook, and took possession of the adjacent 
country. 

The next June Mr. Hooker and Mr. Stone with 
their people, Mr. Warham's from Dorchester, and 
a number from Watertown, removed to the river. 
About a hundred men, women, and children, with 
packs, cattle, &c. took their departure from Cam- 
bridge and travelled more than a hundred miles, 
through a hideous and trackless wilderness, to their 
new settlements. These companies, with no other 
guide than the compass, made their way over moun- 
tains, through swamps and rivers, not passable, but 
with great difficulty. They had no covering but 

* Governour Winthrop's manuscripts. 

Vol. I. 13 



tv inter. 



93 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, the heavens, nor were their lodgings much prefera- 
ble to Jacob's pillow. They were nearly a fortnight 
1636. on thd r journey. This adventure was the more 
remarkable, as many in these companies, were per- 
sons of high life, who had formerly lived in England 
in honour, affluence, and delicacy. 

Distress. Their sufferings the next winter were extreme. 

cs of the Tn e vessel, on board of which were their principal 
stores, froze up m the mouth of the river. Num- 
bers of them scattered down the river, if possible, 
to discover their provisions. Some ventured back 
into the Massachusetts, and others perished in the 
wilderness. Their distresses were greatly increased 
by the Pequot Indians, who, commencing hostilities, 
killed their cattle, burned their dwellings, attacked the 
fort at Say -Brook, slew and captivated their inhabitants. 
Though the planters had been invited by the na- 
tives to make settlements on the river, and had made 
fair purchases of their lands, yet the Pequots deter- 
mined to extirpate them. With policy, which would 
have done honour to the greatest statesmen, they 
attempted to conciliate the Narragansetts, with whom 
they had been at war, and to unite them in the de- 
sign of expelling the English from the country. They 
represented that they, who were merely foreigners, 
were overspreading the country, and depriving the 
original inhabitants of their ancient rights and pos- 
sessions : That unless they were soon prevented, they 
would entirely dispossess the original proprietors : 
That by a general combination, they could either 
destroy or drive them from the country. To great 
advantage, they represented the facility and safety 
with which it might be effected : That there would 
be no need of coming to open battles : That by kil- 
ling their cattle, firing their houses, laying ambushes 
on the roads, in the fields, and wherever they might 
surprise and destroy them, they might accomplish 
their wishes. They represented that if the English 
should destroy the Pequots, they would also soon 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 99 

root out the Narragan setts.* So just and politic chap. 

were these representations, that nothing but that thirst 

for revenge, which inflames the savage heart, could 1G37 

have prevented their effect. 

The colony, sensible of the immediate necessity Ca P t - **»- 

r . -. ■ i *■ i son sent *■ 

of the most vigorous measures with this enemy, des- Kamst the 

patched captain John Mason, with ninety English- Pequots, 

j u . ■ i A/T u T J' May 10th. 

men and about seventy river and Mohegan Indians, ' 
to attack the enemy in their fortifications. This 
was a small force indeed to employ against an enemy, 
who were the scourge and dread of almost every In- 
dian nation in New-England. It consisted however 
of nearly half the fencible men in the colony. More 
could not have been spared, consistently with the 
safety of the infant plantations. Besides, such was 
the scarcity of provisions, that these weje, with no 
small difficulty, supplied. 

On the 26th of May, 1637, towards the dawning Surprises 
of the day, captain Mason surprised Mistic one of ^J 11 C M 
the principal forts of the enemy. After a general fire 26th. 
of the musketeers, he entered the fort sword in hand. 
But notwithstanding the suddenness of the attack, 
the blaze and thunder of their arms, the enemy made 
a manly resistance. After a severe conflict, in which 
many of the enemy fell, and a number of the En- 
glish were sorely wounded, victory still hung in sus- 
pense. The enemy from within, and behind their 
wigwams, taking the advantage of every covert, 
maintained an obstinate defence. In this critical 
state of the action, the captain had recourse to a suc- 
cessful expedient. He put fire into the mats with 
which the wigwams were covered, and instantly re- 
treating surrounded the fort. The fire spreading rap- 
idly, before the wind, soon wrapped the houses in 
one general flame. The enemy were seized with 
astonishment. Some climbed the palisadoes and 
were instantly killed by the fire of the English. Oth- 
ers desperately sallying forth, from their burning cells, 

* Hubbard's Narrative, p. 24,25. 



10Q A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, were immediately shot, or cut in pieces by the sword. 
In about an hour the whole design was accomplish- 
1637. e d* I 11 tne f° rt w er e seventy wigwams ; and it was 
supposed, between four and five hundred Indians. 

The victory was complete, yet the victorious 
army was in distress. The men were greatly fa- 
tigued with watching, long marches, and the 
sharpness of the action. The morning was hot, 
and water hardly to be obtained. They had sus- 
tained the loss of two men slain, and sixteen 
wounded, nearly a quarter of the men in action. 
They had about eight miles to march, with their 
wounded men, to reach the shore, where they were 
to meet their vessels. Beside, they were in con- 
stant expectation of an attack, by a fresh and nu- 
merous enemy, from a neighbouring fortress. No 
sooner had they begun their march than they were 
attacked by the enemy ; who hung upon their rear, 
five or six miles, sometimes shooting from rocks 
and trees, and at other times hazarding themselves 
in the open field. At length the enemy finding that 
they could gain no considerable advantage, and that 
wounds and death attended every attempt, they gave 
over the pursuit. 

Soon after a detachment of nearly two hundred 
men from the Massachusetts and New Plymouth 
arrived, to assist Connecticut in prosecuting the war. 
On their way to Connecticut they obtained a victory 
over some hundreds of the enemy, killing and taking 
a considerable number. 

Sassacus, the great Pequot sachem, and his war- 
riors were so panic-struck, with the loss of Mistic, 
that, burning their wigwams and the royal fortress, 
they fled towards Hudson's river. The troops from 
the Massachusetts and New Plymouth, in conjunc- 
tion with the Connecticut soldiers, under captain 
Mason, pursued them as far as a great swamp in 
Fairfield ; where they had another action. In this 
the enemy were entirely vanquished. Many were 
killed and more captivated. In the whole, first and 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 1Q1 

last, it was supposed that about 700 were killed and chap 
taken. Others fled their country ; some united with 
the Mohegans under Uncus, and some with other 1638 
tribes. This conquest was of great importance to 
the colonies. It rendered the English terrible to all 
the Indian nations in New-England, so that they re- 
mained peaceable for many years. 

In this expedition the English became acquaint- 
ed with the rivers, harbours, and pleasant country- 
west of Connecticut river. The report which was 
made of it gave birth to the scheme of settling a 
second colony under the old Connecticut patent. 

The next year therefore, Mr. John Davenport, New Ha 
Theophilus Eaton, Esq. Francis Newman and their v . e " *? tm ., 

1 .1 a/i t>» i ii- tk-d, April 

company, generally Mr. Davenport's people from isth,i638. 
London, began the settlement of the town and gov- 
ernment of New-Haven. 

Mr. Henry Whitfield, William Leet, Esq. and a Guilford 
large number of passengers from Surry and Kent ;md Mil - 
were in company with Mr. Davenport, and the next 01 ' 
year settled the town of Guilford. The same year 
another part of Mr. Davenport's company began a 
plantation at Milford. Of his company were Ed- 
ward Hopkins and Thomas Gregson, Esquires. The 
former was afterwards governour of Connecticut, 
and the latter one of the magistrates of New-Haven. 
This is supposed to have been one of the most afflu- 
ent companies, which ever came into New-England. 
Mr. Eaton had been governour of the East India 
company, and for his good services, had received 
ample rewards. He and Mr. Hopkins had been 
merchants in London, and had acquired very hand- 
some fortunes. Mr. Gregson and others were in 
affluent circumstances. They laid out the town of 
New-Haven, in a number of squares, in the form of 
an elegant city. 

Till the beginning of this year the colony of Con- 
necticut had been governed chiefly by five or six of 
their principal characters, who met in court, and 
appear to have acted as magistrates, for the public 



102 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. weal. Roger Ludlow, Esq. a gentleman bred to 
the law, and one of the magistrates in Massachusetts, 
1639. tm ms removal to Connecticut, was the first magis- 
trate. In the important affair of the Pequot war, 
deputies from the respective towns were for the first 
time admitted to act in the general court. But as 
there was no fixed constitution of government, the 
freemen on the 14th of January, by voluntary compact, 
formed themselves into a distinct commonwealth.* 
Constitu- Tj ie constitution ordained, That there should be 
Connecti- annually two general assemblies ; one on the second 
cut, Jan. Thursday in April, and the other on the second 
I4th,i639. Thursday in September : That the first should be 
called the Court of Election, in which the govern- 
ours, magistrates, and other public officers should 
be chosen. The governour and magistrates were to 
be chosen by the whole body of the freemen. It 
provided, That the towns should send deputies to 
the several assemblies : That in the general court, 
should consist the supreme power of the common- 
wealth : That they only should have power to make 
laws, grant levies, admit freemen, dispose of lands, 
and to transact all matters respecting the good of the 
commonwealth. 
First gen- At the general election in April, John Haynes, 
Ura April". -^ S( ^ was cnosen governour, and Roger Ludlow, 
Esq. deputy governour. Messrs. George Wyllys, 
Edward Hopkins, Thomas Wells, John Webster, 
and William Phelps were elected magistrates. The 
towns sent twelve deputies. Of these consisted the 
first general court or assembly in Connecticut. f 
The laws of the colony ordained, that no man's life 
should be taken away ; no man's honour or good 
name be stained ; no man's person arrested, restrain- 
ed, banished, dismembered, nor in any wise punish- 
ed : That no man's wife, children, goods, or estate 

* This, agreeably to the old way of dating, is set in the record 
January 14th, 1638, because the date of the new year was not begun 
till after the 25th of March. 

| Records of Connecticut. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. " 1Q3 

should be taken from him ; nor in any wise endam- chap. 
aged under colour of law, or countenance of author- 
ity, unless by virtue of some express law of "the W39 
colony warranting the same, established by the gen- 
eral court, and sufficiently published ; or in case of 
the defect of such law, in any particular case, by 
some clear and plain rule of the word of God, in 
which the whole court should be agreed.* They 
also ordained, that law and justice should be admin- 
istered to all without partiality or delay : That no 
person should be restrained or suffer imprisonment 
until sentenced to it by law, excepting in crimi- 
nal cases, contempt in open court, and when suffi- 
cient bail was not obtainable. 

On the 4th of June all the free planters of New 
Haven assembled for the purpose of forming a j£jj 9 <jf tu * 
constitution of civil government. Mr. Davenport New Ha- 
introduced the business by a sermon from those ^X' ^ une 
words of Solomon, "Wisdom hath builded her house, 
she hath hewn out her seven pillars." After which 
it was unanimously agreed, That the Scriptures were 
a perfect rule, for the government of all men, in 
commonwealth, as well as in matters of the church : 
That in the choice of magistrates and officers, mak- 
ing and repealing laws, dividing allotments of inher- 
itance, and all things of the like nature, they submit- 
ted themselves to the rules held forth in the Scrip- 
ture : That church members only should be free 
burgesses, and that they only should choose magis- 
trates and officers among themselves, to have power 
of transacting all the public, civil affairs of the plan- 
tation ; of making and repealing laws, dividing inher- 
itances, deciding differences that may arise, and do- 
ing all things and businesses of the like nature. 

Twelve men were chosen, for trial, out of which 
they were to elect seven for the pillars of the 
church, to whom all the other church members, or 
free burgesses were to be gathered to complete the 
building. 

* First Connecticut Law boot. 



104 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. Having thus laid the foundations, they proceeded 
in October, to their first general election. 
1639 Theophilus Eaton, Esq. was elected governour. 

First eiec Messrs. Robert Newman, Matthew Gilbert, Nathan- 
Haven N ^ Turner, and Thomas Fugill, were chosen his as- 
Oct. 25th. sistants. It was agreed, that there should be a re- 
newed choice of all officers at the general court to be 
holden annually on the last Wednesday in October. 
It was ordained, That the word of God shall be the 
only rule to be attended unto in ordering; the affairs 
of government in the plantation.* 

Two years after a deputy governour was chosen, 
and in the year 1643, all the towns in the plantation 
sent their deputies ; which practice continued as long 
as the colony existed in a distinct capacity. This 
general court appointed that there should be holden 
two general courts annually ; to consist of the gov- 
ernour, deputy governour, magistrates, and two dep- 
uties from every town in the jurisdiction. The 
general court was to meet on the first Wednesday in 
April and the last in October. The same constitu- 
tion of government, for substance, was now adopted 
by New Haven, which had been established in Con- 
necticut.f 

The first planters of New Haven were men of let- 
ters and enterprise. They designed it for a great 
trading city. They planned and were about erecting 
an academy ; but unhappily, their designs did not 
succeed. They made purchases and began settle- 
ments at Delaware bay, but the Dutch, to their great 
loss and damage, seized on their buildings, persons, 
and goods ; and entirely broke up their plantations. 
At sea they lost a rich ship, and some of their prin- 
cipal men. These losses, with the great expense of 
settling a new country, so impoverished them, that 
they were obliged to leave the accomplishment of 
that to posterity, which they designed to have effected 
themselves. 

* Records of New Haven, C. f Records N.H. Fol. vol. i. p. 73,74,75 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



105 



Mr. Roger Williams, who had been expelled the Mas- 
sachusetts, on the account of his religious sentiments, 
began the settlement of Providence in Rhode Island, i 638 
the same year in which plantations were begun in 
Connecticut. 

In 1638, Mr. William Coddington, John Clarke, Settie- 
William Hutchinson, &c. to the number of eighteen, JJJJJJ °j f sl 
voluntarily incorporated themselves for the purposes and, 
of civil government. They elected Mr. Codding- 
ton their magistrate. By the advice and friendly 
offices of Mr. Williams, they made a purchase, and 
obtained a deed of the island Aquetneck, of the 
Indian sachems,* who were the original proprietors. 
They began a settlement at Pocasset, on the east end 
of the island. A considerable number of their friends 
followed them, the succeeding summer : so that by 
the next spring they had a sufficient number to be- 
gin a second plantation, on the west end of the 
island. The island was divided into two townships, 
Portsmouth and New- Port ; and called Rhode 
Island. f Various circumstances conspired to give the 
colony a rapid settlement. The country was inviting, 
and the natives, through the influence of Mr. Will- 
iams, were entirely peaceable and friendly. He was 
a gentleman of benevolence, and those who repaired 
to him were sure of meeting with the kindest treat- 
ment. Whatever his errors were, he was, in one 
important point, more illuminated than his brethren ; 
" That to punish a man for any matters of conscience 
is persecution." His followers imbibed the same • 

sentiments. It was therefore a £' rh mental article 
with the Rhode Islanders, that "e cry man who sub- 
mits peaceably to the civil authority , may peaceably 
worship God according to the dictates of his own 
conscience, without molestation." While the Mas- 
sachusetts, therefore, were excommunicating and 
banishing people, for their religious sentiments, here 
they found a welcome retreat. 

"The deed bears date March24th,1638. -[Cullender's Century Sermon. 

Vol. I. 14 



106 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

As the plantation had no patent, Mr. Williams 
went to England, and obtained of the earl of War- 
1644 wick, a free and absolute charter of incorporation of 
Patent of Providence and Rhode Island Plantations. The 
andMarcii f° rm of government was left to the free choice of the 
17th. colony. It was determined that the supreme pow- 
tk>n SUtU er s h° L1 ld remain in the body of the people : That a 
court of commissioners, consisting of six persons, 
chosen by each of the four towns of Providence, 
Portsmouth, New-Port, and Warwick, should have 
legislative authority ; whose acts were to bind the 
colonists unless repealed by the major part of the 
freemen. A president and four assistants were annually 
to be chosen, as conservators of the peace. They 
were the judges of the court of trials, with the as- 
sistance of the two justices of the particular town, in 
which, from time to time, the court should be holden. 
Each town had a committee of six persons elected 
to manage the affairs of the town, and to try small 
causes. From this there was an appeal to the su- 
preme court of president and assistants. This 
was the constitution ol Rhode-Island under their first 
patent. The first general assembly was convened on 
the 19th of May, 1647. This assembly enacted a 
body of laws and began a regular and permanent 
mode of government. In the first years of their set- 
tlement, they, like their neighbours, were greatly dis- 
tressed for want of the necessaries of life.* 
obsena- Thus, in about thirty years, were all the old colo- 
tibns. nies settled, and those in New- England in less than 
twenty from the first arrival at Plymouth. In this 
short period a land which had not been sown, was 
turned into gardens, fruitful fields, and pleasant hab- 
itations. Colonies presented themselves along the 
coast nearly a thousand miles. A world, which for 
numerous ages, had been replete with the habitations 

* January 22d, 1639, it was found that there were but 108 bushels of 
corn to 96 persons : which, at the proportion of one bushel and half a 
peck each, was not more than sufficient to supply them six weeks, and 
yet it was more than so many months to harvest. Callender's Sermon, 
p. 94, 95. Fish, fowl, and venison preventedtheir famishing-. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 107 

of darkness and cruelty, became illuminated with the chap. 
light of life, and peopled with the disciples of Jesus. 
His sanctuary was built like high places, and from 
the regions, where beasts of prey and savage men 
poured out their hideous roar, and devils had been 
worshipped instead of God, there ascended prayers 
and praises to his glorious name. There were his 
ordinances constantly celebrated. The wilderness 
and solitary place were glad, the desert rejoiced and 
blossomed as the rose. 

In view of these settlements, and of the important 
revolution which they made in the new world, the 
conduct of providence appears very conspicuous and 
merits special attention. The time of the settlement 9 n the . 
of the colonies appears to have been very providential; S e t ti e - 
and an important step towards the liberty and happi- ment. 
ness of which they are now, as states, in possession. 
Had the settlement commenced directly after the dis- 
covery of America, or at any period before the reform- 
ation, the planters would have been Roman Catholicks. 
The ignorance, superstition, bigotry, and slavish 
principles of the Romish church, would have been 
transported into America ; propagated, and, proba- 
blv, fixed in the colonies. Had it been deferred to 
a later period than that, in which it was accomplish- 
ed, the French, probably, would have made the set- 
tlement and annexed the country to the crown of 
France. 

As early as 1613 they had built a fort at Mount 
Mansel, another at St. Croix, and fortified Port Roy- 
al : and though captain Argall the same year reduced 
them, and carried off their shipping, ordnance, pro- 
visions, and cattle to Virginia,* yet Biencourt and a 
small plantation of Frenchmen were at Port Royal 
when the English came first to Plymouth.! The 
French laid claim to Penobscot and the whole of 
Acadia. In 1631, Cardinal Richlieu ordered several 
companies to Nova Scotia. The next year they 

< P'-jnco's Chron. part i. p. "7. f Part ii. p. 94 



108 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

sent a small vessel to Penobscot and robbed the En- 
glish trading house. 

The Dutch claimed a considerable part of Con- 
necticut, and had not the English prevented them, 
they would, the very next year, have made settle- 
ments on the river. The Spaniards laid claim to the 
southern states, and built a fort at St. Augustine be- 
fore the English made any permanent settlement in 
Virginia. There is a great probability, that had not 
the settlements commenced at the very period in 
which they were effected, the English would not 
have had the least possession on the continent of 
North America. 

At no other period could the country have been 
planted with men of their noble spirit, and sentiments 
of liberty and religion : nor with those who with 
such care and pains, would have transmitted them to 
posterity. 

To no other cause than a special divine agency, 

can that love of liberty and undefiled religion, that 

courage, self-denial, and spirit of enterprise be as- 

Onthedif- cribed, which animated the first colonists. The 

ficuityof difficulties of making settlements in new countries 



new set- 



't. 



tlements. are hardly conceivable. Little circumstances and 
misfortunes, which in old countries would scarcely 
be noticed, in distant and uncultivated regions, pro- 
duce consequences the most serious and alarming. 
Small damages, a little waste of provisions, disaster 
by fire or enemies ; the loss, or too late arrival, of a 
single ship, drought or unfavourable seasons, by land 
or sea, might produce famine, pestilence, mortality, 
and such scenes of distress as admit of no descrip- 
tion. It was making an uncommon sacrifice, and 
required an extraordinary share of magnaminity 
to leave their pleasant European seats and connex- 
ions ; to commit their treasures, families, and lives 
to the mercy of a vast ocean, and to encounter the 
fatigues and dangers of making settlements in a wil- 
derness, at the distance of three thousand miles from 
their native counuy. Immense labour and patience 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. \Q$ 

are necessary to convert a wilderness into fruitful chap. 
fields and pleasant habitations. It is a work of time 1L 
and requires great expense, to reduce an unculti- 
vated country into profitable farms, to furnish them 
with cattle and proper utensils for husbandry. Till 
these could be accomplished, our venerable ancestors 
were obliged to deny themselves many of the neces- 
saries, and almost all the delicacies of life. The on- 
ly grain, which, at first, was generally raised, in the 
country, was Indian corn. This, when prepared in 
the best manner, makes but the coarsest and poorest 
sort of bread. Till mills could be erected it was 
only pounded in mortars, which rendered the bread 
still worse.* Of orchards, the pleasant fruits and 
liquors of Europe, for many years, they had little or 
no enjoyment. They planted themselves in a cli- 
mate, where for more than one third of the year, 
winter reigns with a severity to which they had nev- 
er been accustomed. Death in a few months de- 
spoiled them of half their numbers. By turns, for 
several years, they experienced the distresses of 
famine. A vast wilderness, the roaring of savage 
beasts and more savage men, presented scenes of 
horror of which it is impossible for men unac- 
quainted with them to form any tolerable conception 
Yet they were possessed of such magnanimity of 
spirit, such love to purity of conscience and religion, 
as enabled them to brave every danger, and rise supe- 
rior to every discouragement. Under the greatest 
difficulties, they maintained a firm and pious resolu- 
tion : and relying on the providence of the Univer- 
sal Governour, they shrunk not back from the busi- 
ness which they had so nobly undertaken. So far 
were they from this, that they gloried in planting 
churches and propagating Christianity in the wilder- 
ness. They esteemed themselves richly compen- 
sated in the enjoyment of liberty and undefiled relig- 

* "The want of English grain, wheat, barley, and rye, proved a sore 
affliction to some stomachs, who could not live upon Indian bread and 
water, yet they were compelled to it." — Johnson. 






11Q A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, ion, and in the pleasing prospect of transmitting them 
inviolate to their posterity. Who, in contemplation 
of these facts, must not acknowledge a divine super- 
intendence ? 

The same superintendence was equally visible in that 
remarkable coincidence of circumstances, by which 
the Indians were restrained, more than fifty years, 
from a general war with the New -England colonies. 
They were never in general well affected towards 
their English neighbours; but wished, and often 
concerted measures, to extirpate them from the 
country. A variety of circumstances prevented the 
execution of their designs. The Tarrenteens had 
surprised Bashaba, the sovereign prince of the eas- 
tern Indians, about the river Piscataqua, and slain 
him and all the Indians in his vicinity. The subor- 
dinate sachems, having lost their head, commenced 
war with each other and fought for pre-eminence, 
By this they suffered a further diminution both of 
their numbers and substance. In the year 1634, 
the small pox made great desolation among the In- 
dians in the Massachusetts and New-Plymouth,* 
The Pequots had wasted and subjugated the Con- 
necticut Indians. Sassacus was monarch of the 

juntry, and reigned over twenty Indian kings. 

e had maintained a long and successful war 
against Miantonimo, and was terrible to the Narra- 
ganset Indians. These mutual animosities, and 
their implacable spirit of revenge, prevented all 
union among themselves against the infant colonies. 
At the same time they furnished motives to per- 
suade them to confederate with the colonists and 
court their favour and assistance. Miantonimo and 
the Narragansets wished for an alliance with them, 
that it might be a defence to them against their too 
powerful neighbours, the Pequots. The Massachu- 
setts sought it for a defence against the Tarrenteens. 
All the New- England Indians hoped to profit by 

* Morton's Mem. p. 100. Prince, part ii.p. 67. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



Ill 



it, as a security against the Mohawks, of whom they chap. 
had the greatest imaginable dread. Besides, they 
derived to themselves many advantages from an am- 
icable commerce with the colonies. 

Another thing to be observed was the justice and 
faithfulness of the first colonists towards them. 
They generally made a fair purchase of their lands 
of the natives, the original lords of the soil. They 
were careful to pay them for all their commodities, 
and faithful to support them as allies. When they 
were injured by individuals, the colonists lent an 
ear to their complaints, and saw that justice was 
immediately done them.* Various instances of this 
may be seen on the public files. One is very re- 
markable. Upon their exhibiting evidence that one 
Moreton and his company had done them great and 
repeated injuries, the court of Massachusetts order- 
ed that part of his goods should be taken, and his 
house burned before their eyes, to give them satis- 
faction.! 

Such was their remembrance of past injuries, 
and such their thirst of revenge, as not only pre- 
vented an union among themselves, but influenced 
them to unite with the colonies against each other. 
While some nations were plotting a general destru^ 
tion of the plantations, others revealed the mischief! 
In these ways did the Supreme Ruler give peace to 
his people, and cause them to dwell safely among 
the Heathen. 

Very observable indeed was the divine agency 
in causing the cruelty and despotism of a persecu- 
ting prince, of a bigotted and furious prelate to be 
the means of the propagation and establishment of 
that civil and religious liberty, that purity in wor- 
ship and divine administrations, which it was their 
design utterly to frustrate and abolish. What im 
mense blessings, through the wisdom and goodness 
of the divine administration, have been derived to 

* Prince's Cliron. part ii. p. 21, 22. f Ibid, part i. p. C4<2 






112 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, millions, from that despotic, intolerant spirit which 

drove our ancestors from their dear enjoyments in 

the land of their nativity ? 

That divine superintendency, which caused such 
a variety of circumstances to unite their influence 
in the settlement of protestant churches in America, 
is not less observable in the appointment of their 
habitation. By far the best part of America hath 
been given them for their inheritance. Though they 
were at first few in number, a feeble people, need- 
ing little extent of country, yet their patents and 
charters conveyed to them immense territories, 
sufficient for one of the greatest empires. This ear- 
ly circumstance laid the foundation for that extent 
of country ceded to the United States. It is a 
country so variegated with soil, climates, and sea- 
sons, and so liberal to the husbandman, that it. hath 
never experienced famine or a general want of 
bread, from the commencement of any considerable 
cultivation to the present era. It is a country of 
health and plenty, abounding with the necessaries, 
and with many of the delicacies, of life. It is at a 
great remove from the nations of the old world, 
formed for independency, and happily adapted to the 
■^senilis of the people to whom it was to be given for 
a possession. The States of America, though ca- 
pable of independent subsistence, are yet in posses- 
sion of advantages for extensive commerce, and a 
general intercourse with foreign kingdoms. Their 
coasts are washed with the Atlantic ocean more than 
a thousand miles. Their harbours are excellent : 
and their numerous extensive rivers and spacious 
lakes open an easy communication from the most 
distant parts to the sea, and thence back to the in- 
land countries. Their forests in height and ex- 
tent are equalled by few, and exceeded by none, in 
any of the European kingdoms. They abound with 
oak, pine, turpentine, and tar, and furnish materials 
for the most formidable navy. Whom shall we ac- 
knowledge m the enjoyment of such a country but 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. U3 

Him, who not only made of one blood all nations, chap. 
but determined the bounds of their habitation ? 

Who can contemplate the piety and magnanimity 
of the fathers of the American republicks, and the im- 
portant services they have rendered to posterity, 
without a high degree of veneration ? How soon 
would an imitation of their selfdenial, industry, 
economy, and greatness of mind, extricate the Uni- 
ted States from every embarrassment, and raise them 
to such an elevation of dignity, opulence, and pow- 
er, as would demand respect from foreign nations, 
and make them formidable to the whole world ? 
How should their expense of lives and treasures, 
their sufferings and labours, to transmit the blessings 
of undefiled religion, of civil and religious liberty, 
endear, and render them venerable to all posterity ? 
Doth not gratitude to God and men oblige Amer- 
icans to be sincerely pious, and inviolably to main- 
tain and perpetuate this glorious inheritance ? 



CHAPTER III. 

Oppression of the Virginians under the administration of Sir John Harvey. 
Another massacre by the Indians. War with them. Confederation of 
the New-England colonies. Their success in christianizing the natives. 
The Virginians refusing obedience to the Lord protector, he despatches an 
armament against them. They capitulate. His different treatment of dif- 
ferent colonies. Reduction of New-York. Injury by the king's commission- 
ers. The settlement of New-Jersey and the Carolinas. Indian war and de- 
predations in New-England. 

A HE great Virginia company having been arbitra- 
rily dissolved by king James, his successor Charles 
I. who was possessed of the same high ideas of pre- 
rogative which had so strongly marked the charac- 
ter and reign of his father, the May after his de- May,i625. 
mise named a new governour and council for Vir- 
ginia. Notwithstanding all charter grants and se- 
curities, he appears to have viewed the colonies in 
the light of conquered countries, to be governed 
©nly by the royal pleasure. The governour and 

Vol. I. 15 



114 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, council were therefore invested with powers the 
most absolute and arbitrary. They were authorized 
to enact and execute laws, impose taxes, enforce 
payments, and even to transport the Virginians int© 
England, to be tried for crimes committed in Vir- 
ginia. They were bound by no law or rule of gov- 
ernment. Neither the commission, nor instruc- 
tions so much as mentioned or had an allusion t© 
their charters, to an assembly, the laws of England., 
nor the acts of the colonial legislature. 
1629. In 1629 Sir John Harvey was appointed govern- 
our of the colony ; a man who possessed all the ar- 
bitrary principles of his monarch. He was haughty 
and inflexible in his councils, covetous and severe 
in his exactions, unjust, arbitrary, and oppressive, in 
every part of his administration. By his contrivance 
large tracts of land were conveyed away, not only 
with their quitrents, but even with the authorities and 
jurisdiction : not to adventurers, who designed to 
make settlements, but to those, who sought them 
Oppies- only for lucrative purposes. Nay, he proceeded so 
S ov mo ^ ar m tnose arbitrary grants, as to include the settle- 
Harvey, ments, which had been made by former adventur- 
ers. 

For the purposes of his own emolument, he, with 
ri^ur, exacted the fines and penalties, which the un- 
wary assemblies of those times, had given, chiefly, 
to their governours. By these unjust and cruel meas- 
ures, he threw the colony into the utmost heat and 
confusion. Matters arose to such a height, that the 
council proceeded to arrest his person and send him 
prisoner to London. Two of their members went 
over to support allegations against him. But so far 
was king Charles from redressing their grievances, 
that he esteemed their conduct a presumptuous in- 
fraction on the royal prerogative; and instead of 
hearing their complaints, the king honoured him 
with a new commission, confirming his former pow- 
ers, and sent him back to his government. But the 
dissatisfaction was so great and general, and the 



UNITED STATES ©F AMERICA. 115 

dtamours of the people so loud, that his majesty, on chap. 
cooler reflection, was pleased to revoke his commis- 
sion. The Virginians during the ten years of his l639 
administration were treated more like the vassals of January. 
an eastern despot, than like the subjects of a free gov- 
ernment. 

The Indians jealous of their rights, and exaspera- 
ted by the new and arbitrary grants of the govern- 
our, took every advantage to annoy the colony. 
Opechancanough, successor to Powhatan, a man of 
great courage and subtilty, observing the tumultuous 
state of the colony, laid the plan of another surprise 
and massacre. While the attention of the colonists 
was turned to their grievances, and they were con- 
sulting the means of relief, the Indians fell on them, 
and, at one stroke, cut off about 500 of the inhabi- 
tants. This destruction fell, chiefly, on the south 
side of James river, and on the heads of the other 
rivers, especially, of York river, where was the seat 
of this Indian prince. 

In the beginning of 1639, Sir William Berkley Apri i 
was appointed to the government of Virginia. The 
change of affairs, at this time, in England, seems to 
have made a prodigious alteration in colonial policy. 
The governour was instructed to call a free assem- 
bly, to enact laws for the government of the colony, 
as nearly as might be conformable to the laws and 
polity of England : To cause justice, agreeably to 
the jurisprudence of the nation, to be immediately 
administered to all : and to restrain foreign trade. 
Once more were the Virginians restored to that sys- 
tem of freedom, to which, both by charter, and as 
English subjects, they had the clearest title. Sir 
William employed all means in his power for the 
increase, emolument, and happiness of the colony. 
However, the Indian war, which succeeded the mas- 
sacre, employing all the men which could be spared, 
was a great obstruction to his benevolent attempts 
for its advancement. Though the war was finally 
successful, yet many years elapsed before the colony 



1 16 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, recovered from the unhappy consequences of the 

mal-administration of the preceding government. 
1640 During the oppression suffered by the Virginians, 
the New-England colonies enjoyed tolerable peace, 
and greatly extended their settlements. By the year 
1640, there came over in the whole into New-Eng- 
land, about 21,200 souls, or 4,240 families. The 
cost of the transportation of the planters and their 
cattle, of their arms, artillery, and ammunition, pro- 
visions, and materials for building, amounted nearly 
to 200,000/. sterling.* With this number and its 
increase, which in this period, probably, did not 
much, if any thing, exceed the loss sustained by 
the mortality of the first years, the several New- 
England colonies had planted about forty towns. 
These were spread nearly through the whole extent 
of New- England. Each town, on an average, con- 
sisted of about 500 inhabitants or 100 families, and 
were able to muster 80 or 90 fencible men. The 
settlements, for the accommodation of different com- 
panies, had been much farther extended on the 
rivers and sea coast, and made in a more scattering 
manner, than was at first designed. They could 
not with any convenience unite under one govern- 
ment. Emigrations from England were now at an 
end. After this period more people returned, than 
came from thence into the colonies. Such were 
the civil dissensions in their native country, that no 
aid could be expected either from the king or par- 
liament. The Dutch had so far extended their 
settlements, made such claims to the country, and 
in their conduct were so inimical, as gave a general 
alarm. The Narragansett Indians appeared hostile, 
and there were strong apprehensions of a general 

* Mather in his Magnalia reckons the expense of transportation, 
and articles mentioned above, at 192,000 pounds, in which the ex- 
pense of transporting the colony of New Plymouth, of their arms, 
artillery, provisions, and effects seems not to have been included ; nor 
that of the transportation of the men, ef the arms, artillery, and stores 
for the building of the fort at Saybrook. These expenditures added to 
the former,it is supposedjwill make the whole amount 200,000 pounds. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. JU 

combination among the natives to extirpate the plan- chap. 
tations. In this critical state of affairs, the colonies IIL 
judged it to be matter both of expediency and duty, 
as it is expressed, "As they came into these parts 
of America with one and the same end and aim, to 
advance the kingdom of our Lord Jesus Christ, 
and enjoy the liberties of the gospel in purity and 
peace," to confederate for mutual advice and assist- 
ance ; and as they were one in nation and religion, 
so that they be and continue one in a "firm and per- 
petual league of friendship and amity, offence and 
defence, mutual advice and succour upon all just 
occasions, both for the preserving and propagating 
the truth and liberty of the gospel, and for their own 
mutual safety and welfare." 

After about three years had been spent in prepar- Union of 
ing and ripening the matter, the articles were signed, ^ e J^T" 
May 19th, 1643. By these the four colonies of colonies, 
Massachusetts, Plymouth, Connecticut, and New- Ma y 19th » 
Haven, with the plantations under their respective 
jurisdictions, became one, by the name of The 
United Colonies of New-England. By the 
articles there was reserved to each colony a distinct 
and entire jurisdiction. No two colonies might be 
united in one, nor any other colony be received into 
the confederacy, without the consent of the whole. 
Each colony was authorized to elect two commis- 
sioners to meet annually on the first Thursday in 
September. These commissioners were vested with 
plenary powers of determining "all affairs of war and 
peace, of leagues, aids, charges, and number of men 
for war," &c. They had not only the power of 
meeting annually, but on any emergency which 
might render it necessary. Six of the commission- 
ers might determine any point respecting the con- 
federacy, though the other two should dissent. Up- 
on notice that any of the confederates were invaded, 
the rest were immediately to despatch assistance to 
the colony in danger. The number of men, quan- 
tity of provision, and charges of war, were to be 



X18 A GENERAL HISTORY OF TME 

chap, proportioned to the number of male inhabitants m 

[_ each colony between sixteen and sixty years of age. 

1643. For the preservation of order a president was annu- 
ally chosen. If either of the colonies should be 
guilty of an infraction of the articles of confederation, 
or injure one of the other colonies, the matter was to 
be determined by the commissioners of the other 
colonies.* 
Effects of This union made the New- England colonies for- 
e union, jj^akje berth to the Dutch and Indians. It was 
happily adapted to promote a general harmony among 
themselves, to maintain the peace and vindicate the 
rights of the country. It subsisted more than forty 
years, until the charters of the colonies were injuri- 
ously vacated or suspended by James second, arid 
his commissioners. The union was acknowledged 
from the beginning by the authority in England, and 
received countenance from it until the restoration. 
It was afterwards noticed in letters from king Charles 
the second, without any exception to the establish- 
ment. It was a happy event, by which providence 
gave protection and peace to the churches and colo- 
nies of New-England, when they were compassed 
with dangers, and there appeared no other means of 
safety. 

Providence was also pleased to use it, as one of 
the most successful means of civilizing and chris- 
tianizing the heathen. The society for prop- 
agating the gospel among the Indians in New- 
England, made the commissioners their correspond- 
ents and agents for dispensing their charitable dona- 
tions. This correspondence commenced in 1650, 
and continued till the dissolution of the Union about 
the year 1686. 
Gonver- Some time before, Mr. Mayhew and the famous 
in°dia ns the ^ r ° Eliot had made considerable advances in civili- 
zing the Indians, and in converting them to the chris- 
tian faith. Before the commencement of the corres 

* Records of the United Colonies. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. H$ 

pondence of the society with the commissioners, both chap. 
these gentlemen had learned the Indian language IIL 
and preached to the Indians in their own tongue. 
In the Massachusetts there were two Indian towns 
collected, for the purposes of civilization and Chris- 
tianity. The Indians forsook their barbarous way 
of living, and dressed themselves modestly in the 
English manner. They were allowed a number of 
simple laws, and rulers among themselves to put 
them in execution. One of those towns Mr. 
Eliot called, Noonanetum, rejoicing ; to express 
the joy of the conversion of the natives to the 
true God. Mr. Mayhew had been successful on 
Martha's Vineyard, in turning numbers from their 
heathenism to a prayerful and sober life. The In- 
dians presented their children to be catechised and 
schooled. For these purposes money, clothing, and 
books were necessary. The news of these happy 
beginnings were reported in England, and on the 
27th of July, 1649, a board of commissioners, or so- 
ciety for propagating the gospel among the Indians, 
was instituted by act of parliament. The next year 
the society sent over books, money, and other neces- 
saries for the advancement of the work, to be distrib- 
uted by the commissioners. Never were money 
and articles more faithfully, or more successfully 
applied. Great indeed was the opposition, which 
the Indians, almost universally, made to Christianity. 
The sachems and powaws, or priests, were univer- 
sally against the gospel, and used all their arts and 
influence to prevent its propagation among them. 
They threatened and insulted the missionaries. They 
banished those from their society, who became chris- 
tians, or so much as favoured Christianity. When 
they imagined they could do it with safety, they put 
them to death. Had it not been for their fear of the 
united colonies, it is supposed that they would have 
massacred all the new converts.* But notwithstand- 

* Neal's hist. N. England, vol. i. p. 230 to 234. 



120 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



chap, ing these and other impediments, there were by the 
year 1660 ten towns of praying Indians. About the 
indiaiT" y ear 1687, there were more than twenty assemblies 
churches, of Indians, who worshipped God. There were six 
Indian churches in which there was a regular admin- 
istration of the sacraments and all gospel ordinances.* 
In 1685 there were in the colony of New-Plymouth 
1439 praying Indians, exclusive of boys and girls 
under twelve years of age, who were supposed to be 
more than three times that number.f In 1695 there 
were not less than three thousand adult Indian con- 
verts in the islands of Martha's Vineyard and Nan- 
tucket. Much more was done to civilize and bring 
the original nations to the knowledge and practice 
of Christianity, in about fifty years, by the commis- 
sioners and the New-England ministers, than has 
ever been since effected, by all the missionaries which 
have been employed and monies expended for that 
charitable purpose. 

During the civil war in England, and the admin- 
istration of the protector, the general government of 
New- England was managed by the commissioners ; 
and its several colonies were indulged in the full and 
undisturbed enjoyment both of civil and religious 
liberty. They submitted, without difficulty to the 
government in England, whether in the hands of the 
parliament or the protector. But in Virginia and 
Maryland it was entirely the reverse. They refused 
all subjection and allegiance to the protector. A 
squadron of men of war was therefore despatched by 
Cromwell, under the command of captain Dennis, to 
reduce them to obedience. Sir William Berkley, the 
governour of Virginia, was a stanch royalist, and by his 
many good services had gained the esteem and con- 
fidence of the people ; he, therefore, having obtained 
the assistance of several Dutch vessels, made a vig- 
orous and brave defence. Captain Dennis however, 

* Neal's Hist. p. 254. 
•f Governour Hinkley's Letter to the Corporation in England. See 
also the Magnalia, Book iii. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 121 

obliged him to capitulate on the terms of a general chap. 
pardon. But the Virginians before they laid down IIL 
their arms secured all their rights by an express and 
solemn convention. It was, among other things, 
stipulated, That the plantation of Virginia and all 
the inhabitants thereof shall be and remain in due 
subjection to the commonwealth of England : That 
the grand assembly, as formerly, should convene 
and transact the affairs of Virginia, in which nothing 
was to be done contrary to the government of the 
commonwealth of England : That there should be 
a full and total remission and indemnity of all acts, 
words, or writings, done or spoken against the par- 
liament of England in relation to the same : That 
Virginia should enjoy the ancient bounds granted 
by the charters of the former kings : That all grants 
under the seal of the colony, by the former govern- 
ours should remain in their full force : and, that the 
people of Virginia have as free trade as the people 
of England, and should enjoy all privileges equally 
with any English plantations in America. The 
articles were signed the 12th of March, 1651. 

Though the Virginians by this convention, with 
arms in their hands, seemed to have secured their 
rights in the amplest manner, yet the conduct of the 
protector was entirely different towards them and 
Maryland, from what it was towards the New-Eng- 
land colonies. They paid dearly for their opposi- 
tion. The preceding year, the protector had ob 
tained an act of parliament, prohibiting the planta- 
tions from receiving or exporting any European 
commodities, except in ships built and navigated 
by Englishmen ; and inhibiting all correspondence 
with any nation or colony, not subject to England. 
The New-England colonies, nevertheless, were al- 
lowed a free trade to all parts ; and were indulged 
in the privilege of importing their goods and com- 
modities into England, free from all the duties of 
which others were obliged to make payment. This ex- 
cited the envy of the other colonies, and created dissat- 

Vol. I. 16 



1*22 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



isfaction among the merchants in England ; yet the 
indulgence was continued till the restoration.* But 
care was taken, that in Virginia and Maryland the 
acts of parliament should be rigorously enforced. 
By these means they suffered no little distress and 
impoverishment. The protector, more effectually 
to accomplish his purposes, made a frequent change 
of governours, lest they should enter into the feelings 
of the people, and treat them with more lenity than 
he wished. In Virginia they had not less than three, 
Diggs, Bennet, and Matthews during the protector- 
ship.! 

Meanwhile, under the fostering hand of the pro- 
tector, the New- England colonies made happy advan- 
ces in the settlement and cultivation of the country, 
in population and commerce. 
March 14, Connecticut having considerably extended her 
16(31 " settlements, on the restoration, determined to peti- 
tion king Charles II. for a charter of incorporation. 
Governour Winthrop went to England, as agent of 
Charter of the colony, to solicit the royal favour. According- 
Connecti. Krj on the" 20th of April, 1662, his majesty issued his 
2oth,i662. letters patent under the royal seals, ordaining that 
John Winthrop, John Mason, Samuel Wyllys, &c. 
with such as then were, or should afterwards be 
made free of the colony of Connecticut, should for 
ever after be one body corporate and politic in fact 
and name ; by the name of Governour and Compa- 
ny of the English colony of Connecticut, in New- 
England in America. The charter ordained that 
there should be a governour, deputy governour, and 
twelve assistants. These were to be chosen annu- 
ally, on the second Thursday in May, by the whole 
body of the freemen. The governour and deputy 
governour were to be chosen by a majority of the 
whole number present. The assistants were chosen 
not by a majority, but by the greatest number. The 
charter instituted two general assemblies annually. One 

* Hut. vol. i. p. 195. | Hist, of N. America in the American Magazine. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 123 

on the second Thursday in May, the other on the sec- chap. 
ond Thursday in October. The General Assembi) con- 1IL 
sisted of the governour, deputy governour, the twelve 
assistants, and freemen of the colony. The freemen 
met by representation. From each town, they gen- 
erally elected and sent two of their principal men. 
The assembly consisted of two houses. The gov- 
ernours and assistants composed the upper, and the 
freemen, the lower house of assembly. 

In the General Assembly consisted the whole legisla- 
tive power of the colony. This enacted all laws, ap- 
pointed all inferior courts and executive officers. The 
charter,appointed the same governour, deputy govern- 
our, and assistants, which had been chosen by the free- 
men at the preceding election. The government 
under the charter was essentially the same with 
that, which the people had previously adopted by 
voluntary compact. 

In the first General Assembly, under the charter, Fil . st As 
October 9th, 1662, it was publicly read, and declar- semblyun. 
ed to belong to the freemen of the colony and their barter*; 
successors. This assembly established all former Oct. 9«h. 
officers civil and military in their respective places 1669, 
and powers. It also established the former code of 
laws, and the same common seal, which had been in 
use before the charter. 

The charter confirmed to the colony the whole 
tract of country granted in the old Connecticut pa- 
tent, by the council of Plymouth to the earl of War- 
wick, and by him to lord Say and Seal, &c. from 
Narragansett bay to the South Sea. This included 
the whole colony of New-Haven; the planters of which, 
no less than those of Connecticut, were the patentees 
of lord Say and Seal, &c. It was therefore natural 
to include them in the same patent. This, at first, 
was not agreeable to New-Haven ; yet, about two 
years after, the colonies amicably united. The freemen Umon of 
of New-Haven were declared to be free of the colony ^"and 1 
of Connecticut, and their officers civil and military New-Ha- 
were confirmed in office. It was also determined, ven " 



X24 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, by th e general assembly of Connecticut, that the 
' magistrates of New- Haven should stand in the nom- 
ination for the next election. A proper proportion 
of the magistrates of that colony, were the next May, 
elected to the same office in the colony of Connec- 
ticut. 
May,i665. May 11th, 1665, the colonies met, by their magis- 
trates and representatives, in General Assembly. 
The colony thus united consisted of nineteen tax- 
able towns.* The number of representatives was 
twenty-five. 

The colony of Rhode Island made application 
for charter privileges about the same time as Con- 
necticut. Her application was equally successful. 
The charter of that colony bears date July 8th, 
1662. It appoints an assembly, consisting of a 
governour, deputy governour, and ten assistants, 
with the representatives of the several towns, all 
chosen by the freemen. The first charter govern- 
our was Benedict Arnold, Esq. The deputy gov- 
ernour was William Brenton. The assembly was 
appointed to convene annually on the first Wednes- 
day in May and the last Wednesday in October. 
Their first general assembly met March 1st, 1663. 

While affairs were thus transacted in the colonies, 
the Dutch taking advantage of the distractions in 
England, and of the weak state of the English plan- 
tations, increased their settlements and set up their 
claims to very extensive territories. They not only 
claimed the whole country now included in the 
several states of New- York, New-Jersey, and Del- 
aware ; but a considerable part of Connecticut.! 
They did great injury both to the New-England 
and southern colonies. They furnished the Indians 
with arms and ammunition, and taught them the man- 
ner of English fighting. They attacked and plun- 
dered the settlement made by the colony of New- 
Haven on the Delaware, and took the inhabitants. 

* The grand list this year was 153,620/. 16s. 5d. Records of the Colony, 
f- Smith's hist, of N. Jersey, p. 34. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 125 

captive.* The English court ever disavowed the chap. 
Dutch claims ; and as they were now become 
troublesome to the colonies, soon after the restora- 
tion an expedition was undertaken for their reduc- 
tion. King Charles was well apprized of the ill 
consequences of having a Dutch colony in the heart 
of his American dominions ; and having formed the 
resolution of dispossessing them, he made a grant of 
the whole country, which they claimed, with some 
other parts of North America, to his brother the duke 
of York and Albany. The territory described in the 
patent, is, " All that part of the main land of New- 1 1 ,atc , nt k 1 '' 
England, beginning at a certain place called or f York 
known by the name of St. Croix, near adjoining March, 
to New-Scotland, in America ; and from thence ex- lb64 
tending along the sea coast, unto a certain place 
called Pemaquie or Pemaquid, and so up the river 
thereof, to the furthest head of the same, as it ex- 
tendeth northward ; and extending from thence to 
the river of Kimbequin, and so upwards by the 
shortest course, to the river Canada northwards ; and 
also all that island or islands, commonly called by 
the several name or names of Matowaks or Long 
Island, situate and being towards the west of Cape 
Cod, and the narrow Higansetts, abutting upon the 
land between the two rivers, there called or known 
by the several names of Connecticut and Hudson's 
river ; together also w r ith the said river, called Hud- 
son's river ; and all the lands from the west side of 
Connecticut river to the east side of Delaware bay." 
The duke's concern for his property, and the 
aversion both of the duke and of his British majesty to 
the Dutch, made the expedition against them a mat- 
ter of primary attention. Colonel Richard Nichols 
had the chief command, George Cartwright, Esq. 
Sir Robert Carr, and Samuel Maverick, Esq. were 
appointed commissioners from his majesty to act 
with him, not only in the reduction of the Dutch 

* Records of the United Colonies. 



126 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, plantations, and the settlement of government in them, 
but for visiting the New- England colonies ; hearing 
and determining all matters of complaint, and for 
settling the peace and security of the country. 

Colonel Nichols arrived at Boston with the arma- 
ment under his command the 23d of July, 1664. 
After communicating his commission to the colonies, 
and his majesty's requisition of troops, to assist in 
the expedition against the Dutch plantations, he sail- 
ed for the Manhadoes : and on the 20th of August, 
made a demand of the town and forts on the island. 
In his majesty's name he gave assurance to all the in- 
habitants of the Dutch nation, That on their submis- 
sion to his government, they should be secured with 
respect to property, life, and liberty ; and enjoy all 
the privileges of English subjects. The Dutch gov- 
ernour, Stuyvesant, was a soldier, and had he been 
prepared, would doubtless have made a noble resist- 
ance ; but, as the expedition was undertaken sev- 
eral months before the declaration of war against 
Holland, he was unprepared for defence against the 
royal armament. Troops were raised in the New- 
England colonies ; and ready, if it should be found 
necessary to march at the shortest notice. 

On the 27th of August,* governour Stuyvesant 
surrendered on terms of capitulation. The articles 
provided, That " the Dutch should enjoy the lib- 
erty of their consciences in divine worship and Dutch 
discipline." The Dutch governour and inhabitants 
became English subjects, enjoyed their estates and 
the privileges of Englishmen. Colonel Nichols 
marched up the country to fort Orange, f which 
surrendered without resistance. The ships under 
the command of Sir Robert Carr were sent into 
the Delaware to reduce the Dutch, in that quarter 
to his majesty's obedience. On the 1st of Octo- 
ber, New-Amstel, now called New- Castle, with the 
inhabitants on the Delaware submitted to the English 

• This was old style. f Albany. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 127 

government. In honour to the duke the two chap. 

principal Dutch settlements were named New- York 

and Albany. . 1664# 

The duke on the 24th of June, 1664, made a grant 
of New-Jersey to lord Berkley and Sir George Car- 
teret. The tract of country described in the patent, 
is " All that tract of land adjacent to New-England, 
and lying and being to the westward of Long Island 
and Manhattas island ; and bounded on the east part 
by the main sea, and part by Hudson's river ; and 
hath upon the west Delaware bay or river, and ex- 
tendeth southward to the main ocean as far as Cape 
May, at the mouth of Delaware bay ; and to the 
northward as far as the northermost branch of the 
said bay or river of Delaware ; which is in 41 de- 
grees and forty minutes latitude, and crosseth over 
thence in a straight line to Hudson's river, in 41 
degrees of north latitude." Sir George had been 
governour of Jersey : and, in 1649 held it for his 
majesty Charles the second. In honour to him the 
province was named New-Jersey. 

Previously to the giving of this patent, large pur- 
chases had been made of the natives. People of va- 
rious nations had also made settlements on the lands. 
The first settlement was made, about three or four 
years after the settlement of Plymouth, by the Dutch 
and Danes. They gave it the name of Bergen, after 
the capital of the province of Bergen in Norway. 
The inhabitants were considerably numerous at the 
time of the surrender of the province to the English 
government. 

Soon after settlements were made on the Dela- 
ware. Such reports of the pleasantness and fer- 
tility of this fine country, had been made in Sweden, 
that Gustavus Adolphus, in 1626, influenced his 
subjects to form a company for the purpose of mak- 
ing settlements in those quarters. A company was 
instituted, by royal authority, called the West India 
company. The king himself, his lords, barons, 
knights, the principal officers of his army, his bish- 



128 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. p S) clergy, and many of the common people of 
Swedeland, Finland, and Liffland, contributed for 
the purpose. The next year the Swedes and Finns 
came over, and landing, at Cape Inlopen, they were 
so agreeably affected with the pleasant prospect it 
presented, that they named it Paradise point. They 
made purchases of the Indians, on both sides of the 
river Delaware from the cape to the falls. They 
called the river New Swedeland Stream ; and the 
country New Swedeland. By presents and treaties, 
they satisfied the Indians and enjoyed peace. They 
made their first settlement at Christeen, on the west 
side of the Delaware. Here they laid out a hand- 
some town. They made settlements at Lewistown, 
Tenecum, and Chester. It was apprehended from 
the claims of the Dutch, that they might attempt to 
dispossess them. Forts were therefore erected at 
Christeen, Lewistown, Chester, and on the island of 
Tenecum. The fortress on the latter was termed 
New-Gottemburg. This seems to have been the 
seat of their government. Here John Printz their 
governour, built him an elegant seat, which he nam- 
ed Printz's Hall. The principal gentlemen had their 
plantations also on this island. The English began 
a settlement at Elsingburgh on the east side of the 
river. Kieft, governour of the Dutch planta- 
tions, by the assistance of the Swedes, drove them 
off and ruined their settlements. He also hired the 
Swedes to keep them out of the river. The Swe- 
dish governour seized this fair opportunity, and 
built fort Elsingburgh, on the very ground, whence 
the English had been driven. This giving him the 
command of the river, he brought too, and examin- 
ed, at pleasure, all vessels which passed, whether 
Dutch or of any other nation.* 

The Dutch complained of this, and wishing for 
the entire possession of the river and the adjacent 
country they played the same game with them, which 

* Smith's Hist. N Jersey, p. 21, 22, 23. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 129 

they had done some years before with the English, chap. 
In 1655 Stuyvesant, the Dutch governour, attacking 
them with seven vessels and six or seven hundred 
men, made a complete conquest of all their forts and 
settlements. The Dutch destroyed New Gottem- 
burg, with the houses without the fort. They plun- 
dered the inhabitants, killed their cattle, carried the 
Swedish officers and principal inhabitants captives to 
Holland. The common people, submitting to the 
Dutch government, were permitted to remain in the 
country.* The Dutch settled New-Castle, where 
they had a house for public worship. The Swedes 
had three ; one at Tenecum, one at Wicoco, and 
another at Christeen. The English settlements, in the 
state of Delaware, were all made after the conquest 
of the Dutch in 1664. From this period the lower 
counties on the Delaware were under the govern- 
ment of New- York. 

In 1664, before the knowledge of the patent, giv- 
en to lord Berkley and Sir George Carteret, John 
Bailey, Daniel Denton, and Luke Watson made a 
purchase of a considerable part of Elizabethtown, 
of certain Indian sachems, who were the original 
proprietors. The purchasers belonged to Jamaica 
on Long Island. Soon after the purchase, the in- 
habitants on the west end of Long Island, pretty 
generally moved into New-Jersey. There was also 
a considerable number of people, who removed into 
those parts from New-England : so that Elizabeth- 
town, Newark, Middletown, and Shrewsbury were 
soon well settled. There were numbers of other 
settlers from the neighbouring colonies, and a con- 
siderable accession from Scotland. The inhabitants 
of these towns and the circumjacent country in a few 
years became numerous. 

Lord Berkley and Sir George Carteret appointed Govern- 
Philip Carteret their governour of New- Jersey. °" r r ?J;." 
Just at the close of the summer, in 1665, he arrived rives, 

1665. 
* Smith's Hist. N. Jersey, p. 33, 34. 

Vol. I. 17 



J3Q A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. a t Elizabethtown ; which he made the seat of his 
Lli ' government. From this period New-Jersey com- 
menced a jurisdiction distinct and separate from New- 
York. On his arrival he made purchases of the na- 
tives and administered government agreeably to the 
concessions and constitution, which had been adopt- 
ed by the proprietors for the settlement of the prov- 
ince. This constituted a free assembly, consisting 
of the governour, council, and representatives chosen 
from each town or district in the province. The 
council was never to consist of less than six, nor 
more than twelve. All legislative power was vested 
in the assembly : the executive was in the govern- 
our and council. It was a fundamental article, that 
there should not be imposed "any tax, custom, 
subsidy, tallage, assessment, or any other duty what- 
soever, upon any colour or pretence, upon said 
province and inhabitants thereof, other than shall be 
imposed by the authority of the general assembly."* 
Equal security of liberty of conscience, and of all 
civil rights and immunities was given to christians 
of all denominations. The governour despatched 
agents into New- England and other parts, to pub- 
lish the constitution, or terms of settlement, and to 
invite planters into the province. In consequence 
of which many emigrated from New-England, as 
well as from other parts of the country. Some made 
settlements at Elizabethtown, others at Wood- 
bridge, Newark, and Piscattaway. There were also 
annually arrivals of planters from England ; so that 
the population of the province was very considerable, 
till the year 1673. At this period the Dutch repos- 
sessing themselves of the country gave it an almost 
entire interruption. This however was of short 
duration. By the pacification, at London, the next 
year, it was restored to the British crown. Popula- 
tion again revived and there was a great increase 
both of inhabitants and cultivation. 

* Smith's Hist, of N. Jersey, from p. 512 to 518. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. \$\ 

The peace of the province, however, bore no chap. 
proportion to its population. Between the proprie- 
tors and colonists there subsisted perpetual discord 
and animosities. The inhabitants of Elizabeth- 
town who had purchased the soil of the natives, pre- 
vious to the proprietary government, with some oth- 
ers, refused all payment of the quitrents. The con- 
test was carried to such a length, that the people as- 
sumed the government, and elected James Carteret 
their governour. His father, Philip Carteret, the pro- 1672, 
prietary governour, nominating Captain John Berry 
for his deputy, made a voyage to England to repre- 
sent the state of the province. In 1674, he revisited 
his government and found the inhabitants in a more 

o 

amicable state, than when he took his departure. 
He had obtained new concessions from the proprie- 
tors ; on the publication of which the people were 
quieted and the proprietary government restored.* 

After the reduction of New- York the kind's com- Com mis- 

r " , ° , sioners 

missioners were an occasion ot great alarm, perplexi- distress 
ty, and expense to the New-England colonies. They th« colo* 
received complaints against them, from the Indians 
and persons disaffected with the New- England gov- 
ernment. They undertook the hearing of causes, 
which had been regularly heard and determined by 
courts authorized by law for that purpose. They 
interposed even in criminal matters, and granted war- 
rants of protection to persons under criminal prose- 
cution. They made the colonies to stand upon a 
level with criminals, on whom sentence had been 
passed according to law : and that before a court of 
which the constitution had no knowledge. Nay, they 
went so far as to demand, that persons should be ad- 
mitted to the privileges of freemen, to church mem- 
bership and full communion, contrary to the laws of 
the colonies and the established practice of the 
churches. f They admitted no juries in their courts; 
but conducted themselves as a court of oyer and ter- 

* Douglass, vol. ii. p. 269, 271, 272. 
f Hutch. Hist. vol. i. p. 234, 240, 241, 246, 251. 



132 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

C nt P ' miner. They appointed civil officers, claimed an J 
' thority, and went into practices entirely incompatible 
with the rights of the colonies. After giving them 
unspeakable trouble they were recalled. Colonel 
Nichols by his cool and discreet conduct recommend- 
ed himself to the good graces of the people. Carr 
and Cartwright were wholly unqualified for the trust 
reposed in them; and by their arbitrary and violent pro- 
ceedings drew upon themselves universal abhorrence, 
Maverick was ever inimical to the colonies; and, gov- 
ernour Hutchinson observes, was added only to in- 
crease the number, and to be subservient to others. 
Carr and Cartwright, especially the. latter, went home 
incensed against the colonies ; but the former died at 
Bristol soon after his arrival ; the latter was taken 
by the Dutch and lost all his papers. These were 
favourable circumstances for the colonies, and prob- 
ably prevented a prosecution of them before his 
majesty. Another circumstance which contributed 
to their tranquillity, and the continuance of their 
privileges, was the disagreement which arose be- 
tween the king and parliament. This, with the na- 
tional distractions subsequent upon it, gave him such 
full employment that he could pay little attention to 
colonial administration. By these means, it pleased 
the Supreme Ruler to preserve both the civil and 
religious liberties of the colonies. Had not these 
circumstances prevented, nothing better could have 
been expected, from men of such characters as those 
of Charles and the duke of York, who were murder- 
ing the best men in the nation, and attempting the 
subversion of the civil and religious constitutions of 
three kingdoms, than a total subversion of the rights 
of the colonies. 

While the commissioners were spying out, and 

infringing the liberties of the united colonies, a 

plan Mas forming in England for the settlement of 

Patents of the Carolinas. On application to the crown, king 

in a i663 a Charles II. made a grant, in 1663, to Edward earl 

and 1665. of Clarendon, George duke of Albemarle, William 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 133 

lord Craven, John lord Berkley, Anthony lord Ash- chap. 
ley, Sir George Carteret, Sir William Berkley, and 
Sir John Colleton, of all the lands lying between the j une 3oth. 
31st and 36th degrees of north latitude. About two 
years after, he confirmed this grant, by a second 
charter, in which there was a great enlargement of 
their boundaries. This made a conveyance of the 
whole territory from the 29th degree of north latitude, 
to 30 degrees and 30 minutes on the sea coast, and 
thence running in parallel lines from these points, 
due west to the Pacific ocean.* This included both 1664. 
the Carolinas, Georgia, and the Floridas. Of this 
vast territory the proprietors were made the absolute 
lords. His majesty only reserved to himself, heirs, 
and successors the sovereign dominion of the coun- 
try. The lands were holden in free and common 
soccage. The proprietors held the patronage and 
advowson of all churches, and all the powers and 
privileges which the bishop of Durham holds in 
England. Liberty of conscience, however, was 
granted to all denominations of christians, provided 
they did not disturb the peace and order of the 
province. 

The famous Mr. Lock assisted the proprietors in Constitu- 
the formation of a general system of fundamental ^ on ? f 
laws. This consisted of a hundred and twenty ar- 
ticles, to the establishment and observation of which 
they bound themselves and their heirs for ever. 
These ordained that the eldest proprietor should al- 
ways be the palatine ; and that at his decease he 
should be succeeded by the eldest of the seven sur- 
vivers : that the palatine should sit as president of 
the palatine's court : and that the palatine and three 
other proprietors should constitute a quorum. This 
court was to stand in the stead of the king, and by 
their assent or dissent all the laws of the legislature 
of the province, were to be established or nullified. 
The palatine had the power of nominating and ap- 

* Hist. S. Carolina, vol. i. 



134 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, pointing a governour, who, on the royal approbation, 
became his governour in Carolina. The upper 
house of the assembly or parliament was to consist 
of fourteen members ; seven of which were to be 
the representatives of the seven oldest landgraves, 
and of seven others chosen by the assembly. The 
lower house consisted of the deputies chosen biennial- 
ly by the freemen of the several towns. This was call- 
ed the parliament. No act was valid unless ratified 
in open parliament during the same session. Even 
then it continued only till the next biennial parlia- 
ment, unless in the mean time it should be ratified 
by the hands and seals of the palatine and three of 
the proprietors. This was the ancient constitution 
of the Carolinas, and continued about half a century. 

Notwithstanding the express stipulation with the 
Virginians in 1651, that they should enjoy the an- 
cient bounds granted by the charters of former 
kings, they were now by this recent grant deprived 
of nearly three quarters of their territory. 

In 1669 two ships were sent to Carolina, with 
a number of adventurers to make a permanent set- 
tlement. They were furnished with provisions, and 
utensils for building and cultivation ; with arms and 
ammunition for defence. They made their settle- 
ment on a neck of land between Ashley and Cooper 
rivers. William Sayle, Esq. was the first govern- 
our. The settlement was made with loss and diffi- 
culty. The Indians gave them an unfriendly re- 
ception. The Stonoes and Westoes, two powerful 
nations, were particularly hostile. While one part 
of the planters were erecting buildings, and attend- 
ing to the various businesses of the plantation, 
another was obliged to be constantly under arms, 
watching the motions of the enemy. Sickness very 
soon attacked them in that unhealthy climate and 
thinned their numbers. Among others the govern- 
our fell a sacrifice to the hardships of the enterprise 
and the unhealthfulness of the climate. Joseph 
West, Esq. succeeded him in the government. The 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 135 

expenses of this first embarkation and settlement chap. 
amounted to twelve thousand pounds. 1IL 

Various were the circumstances, which contribut- 
ed to the population of the colony. Two years be- 
fore, a treaty had been concluded with Spain, in 
which, among other articles, it was stipulated, "That 
the king of Great Britian should always possess, in 
full right of sovereignty and property, all the coun- 
tries, islands, and colonies, lying and situate in the 
West Indies, or any part of America, which he and 
his subjects then held and possessed, insomuch 
that they neither can, nor ought thereafter to be con- 
tested on any account whatsoever." This secured 
the colony against all future claims from the court 
of Spain. After the surrender of New- York many 
of the Dutch, uneasy with their situation, repairing 
thither contributed much to the population and cul- 
tivation of the colony. 

On the restoration of king Charles, a total change 
of manners took place in the nation. From a state 
of purity, in point of morals, the people became pro- 
fane, dissolute, and abandoned. The puritans, now 
treated by the royalists with contempt and revenge, 
ardently wished for some distant retreat where they 
might enjoy religion in its original purity, and take 
shelter from thai storm of divine judgments, which 
they imagined just ready to burst on a profligate na- 
tion. From maxims of policy lord Clarendon and 
many others of the king's council, encouraged their 
emigration. From this quarter the Golony received 
its earliest and most numerous acquisitions. A great 
majority of the adventurers were puritans. But 
their enemies also found motives for emigration. 
Many of the zealous loyalists had either been ruined 
or greatly reduced, by their attachment to his majes- 
ty, in the civil wars. They were willing to accept 
of lands and try their fortunes in America. The 
royal compassion exercised itself in giving them ad- 
vantages and honours in the new world. 



.AL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP 
III. 



The edict of Xantz and the violent proceedings 
against the protestants in France, brought great num- 
bers of them into England. Some of them were 
men of wealth, and bringing their property with 
1593. them made larg-e purchases of the proprietors. Un- 
der the countenance of William and Mary, they em- 
igrated to Carolina, and sat down under more ad- 
vantageous and easy circumstances, than most of 
the English emigrants. Their settlements were 
principally in Craven county. They were a sober, 
industrious people, some of the best inhabitants in 
the colony. This combination of circumstances, in 
the settlement of Carolina, annually brought into it, 
men of the most opposite characters both in religion 
and politics. This laid the foundation for embroiling 
the colony, and produced those violent divisions and 
animosities, which, for many years, rendered it a 
scene of violence and misery. 

Some of the first years, after the settlements com- 
menced, the Carolinians experienced the complicat- 
ed evils of poverty and famine. The hostility of the 
Indians augmented their miseries. While for their 
subsistence, they gathered nuts, shell fish, and what- 
ever might afford them support, with one hand, thev 
were obliged to bear arms in the other. Such were 
their distresses that they fell into mutiny, and press- 
ed the governour to return with them to England. 
But supplies arriving they were relieved, and again 
reduced to some tolerable order. 

Their first assembly or parliament was not holden 
until three or four years after the commencement of 
the settlement. Till this time they were under a 
kind of military government.* 

Notwithstanding that union of circumstances which 
favoured the planting of Carolina, yet. for more than 
thirty- years, the progress of settlement and popula- 
tion was exceedingly slow. The impolicy and cru- 
elty of the proprietors, the bigotry and persecuting 

* Hist Carol, voL i. 



U KITED STATES OF AMERICA. 

spirit of some of the palatines, with the haughtiness 
and vindictive spirit of some of king Charles' cava- 
liers, did as much to prevent the growth and happi- 
ness of the colony as all the other circumstances 
contributed to its emolument. In the beginning of i- .-. 
the present century the whole number of white in- 
habitants did not exceed five or six thousands. In 
Charleston there were only two clergymen, an epis- 
copalian, and a puritan. Among the people in the 
country there was no such thing as public worship, 
nor even schools for the education of children.* 

In 1710 numbers of palatines, who had been i 
rassed and reduced to indigence, by the wars in Ger- 
many, came into America, and began settlements in 
North Carolina. f About twenty years after the 
Irish settied Williamsburg near the Santee. The 
Swedes nearly at the same time planted Purvsburg. 
Not far from the middle of the present centurs- large 
numbers more of the palatines came over and made 
settlements at Orangeburg, Congaree, and Wateree. 
However, the period of the greatest population, in 
the Carolinas was not till after the peace of Paris in 
1765. In ten years from this time settlements 
were made a hundred and fifty miles to the west- 
ward, beyond all which had been effected in a whole 
century before. 

While the Carolinians were suffering the hardships Reasonsof 
and dangers of new settlements theNew-Englanders the ! 
were not without their troubles. Scarcely were riiey New- 
delivered from the evils produced by the king's com- - - - w 
missioners, before others arose which threatened their 
very existence. For several years the Indians had 
been forming a general conspiracy for the extirpa- 
tion of the New- England colonies. They consider- 
ed themselves as a people free and independent. 
Their sachems were men of high and jealous spir- 
its ; and viewed themselves in the light of sovereign 
and independent princes. They claimed to be the 

* Hist, of Car. vol. i. f See the same hi.torr. 

Vol. I. 18 



138 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, original lords and proprietors of the country. While 
therefore the)' saw the English, in almost every 
1675. quarter, extending their settlements over the domin- 
ions of their ancestors, they could not but kindle in- 
to resentment, and adopt counsels to prevent the loss 
both of their liberties and their country. Though 
they had entered into treaties with the colonies, and 
acknowledged themselves the subjects of the kings 
of England, yet it is by no means probable that 
they designed by any of these treaties to give up 
their independence, or any of their natural rights. 
They viewed themselves not as the subjects, but as 
the allies of England. To be called to an account, and 
to be thwarted in their designs, by the colonies ; or 
to be held amenable to them for their conduct was a 
treatment which their haughty spirits would not 
brook. These were reasons which might make them 
generally wish for the destruction of their English 
neighbours. Philip, sachem of the Wampanoags, 
grandson and successor of Massasoiet, was the prin- 
cipal incendiary. Besides the general reasons men- 
tioned, there were others which, with him, proba- 
bly, had a still more immediate and powerful opera- 
tion. John Sausaman a christian Indian, had made 
a discovery of the mischiefs which he had been plot- 
ting against the colonies. Philip fired with revenge 
procured the murder of Sausaman. The murderers 
were detected and executed. Philip, conscious of 
his own guilt, enraged at the trial and punishment 
of his subjects by the English laws ; and, probably, 
apprehensive for his personal safety, armed his own 
warriors, the Wampanoags, and such strangers as 
would join in his measures ; and, with great appear- 
ances of hostility, marched up and down in the coun- 
try. For several years, the colonies had been ap- 
prized of the designs forming against them : and, by 
treaties and such other measures as to them appear- 
ed wise and pacific, had been attempting to prevent 
the storm. However, in 1675, it burst upon them 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 139 

with uncommon fury. Its destruction was wide and chap. 
dreadful. 



Philip's numbers increasing, from various quar- i 675 
ters, gave him fresh courage, and proportionally in- 
creased his insolence. On the 20th of June the In- 
dians commenced hostilities upon Swanzey, a fron- 
tier town of New Plymouth, bordering on the terri- 
tories of Philip. They insulted the inhabitants, 
killed their cattle, and rifled their houses. Four days 
after, on a day of fasting and prayer, some of the in- 
habitants w r ere fired upon, as they returned from the 
public worship, and others while they were in quest 
of a surgeon. Three were killed and several others 
wounded. Six others were barbarously murdered.* 
The country was immediately alarmed. The troops 
of the colony flew to the defence of the town. In 
four days they were reinforced with several compa- 
nies from Boston. On the 29th the body of the 
troops were drawn forth against the enemy, who im- 
mediately fled before them, for a mile or two, and 
took refuge in a swamp. The next day major Sav- 
age, who had arrived from Boston with more troops 
and a general command, marched into the Indian 
towns to give them battle, and surprise their head 
quarters. They found the Indian towns, and even 
the seat of Philip, deserted with marks of the great- 
est precipitation. The enemy as they fled, marked 
their route with the burning of buildings, the scalps, 
hands, and heads of the English, cut oif and fixed up 
on poles by the way side.f The army, however, 
not finding them, returned to head quarters at Swan- 
zey. The Narragansetts favoured Philip. To them 
he and his warriors had sent off their women and 
children. They were supposed only to wait for a 
convenient opportunity to declare for him. It was 
therefore determined that the Massachusetts forces 
should march into the Narragansett country, to treat 
with them sword in hand. Commissioners were sent 

* Hubbard's Nav. p. 59. j I bid - P- 6 2, 63. 



140 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



chap, both from Boston and Connecticut, with powers to 
treat with them on terms of peace. On the 15th of 
1675 ^ u ty a treat y was concluded between the six Narra- 
gansett sachems, the sunk squaw, or old queen of the 
Narragansetts, and the united colonies. Perpetual 
peace was stipulated between the parties. It was 
agreed, that all stolen goods should be returned : 
That neither Philip, nor any of his subjects should 
be harboured by the Narragansetts ; but, that upon 
their entering their lands, they should kill and de- 
stroy them, till a cessation of hostilities should be 
concluded between Philip and the colonies : That 
the commissioners should give the Narragansetts for- 
ty coats of cloth for Philip, delivered to them alive, 
and twenty for his head : That two coats should be 
given for every subject of Philip delivered alive, and 
one for his head. On the part of the sachems, hos- 
tages were given for the true performance of the 
treatv.* 

This, at best, was but a forced business, the con- 
ditions were imposed by the army. On the 17th, 
the army returned to Taunton. Here intelligence 
was received, that Philip with his warriors was in 
a swamp at Pocasset. The Massachusetts and Ply- 
mouth troops making a junction, attacked them 
the next day in their dark and advantageous retreat. 
As the army entered the swamp, the enemy retired 
deeper and deeper into it ; till the army were led 
into such a hideous thicket, that it was impossible 
for the men to keep their order. They were in 
danger from each other, firing at every bush which 
appeared to shake. The action was continued till 
night, when they were obliged to retreat. The at- 
tempt was very unfortunate. Sixteen men were 
killed, and the enemy encouraged. Shortly after 
there was a general rising of the Indians throughout 
New-England, for an extent of nearly three hundred 
miles, As they lived promiscuously with the Eng- 

■ Hubbard's Nar. p. 65, 66, 67. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 141 

lish, in all parts of the country, they were gener- chap. 
ally, as well acquainted with their dwellings, fields, 
times and places of worship, their roads and places 1675 
of resort, as they were themselves. They were at 
hand to watch their motions, attack them at every 
difficult pass, and every unguarded moment. Ex- 
cepting the thickest settlements and the centre of 
the towns, the country was a vast wilderness ; this 
enabled the enemy, in large bodies, to make their 
approaches undiscovered to their towns ; and, un- 
der the covert of the night, to creep into their barns 
and gardens, to conceal themselves under their fen- 
ces, and lie in wait for them in their fields and on the 
roads. Sometimes they concealed themselves be- 
fore their very doors. No sooner did they open 
them, in the morning, than they were instantly shot 
dead. From almost every quarter they were ready 
to rise upon them ; at midnight, in the morning, or 
whenever they could obtain an advantage. While the 
English were hunting for them in one place, they 
were plundering, burning, and murdering in another. 
In a few hours they would plunder and burn a town, 
murder and captivate the inhabitants, and retire in- 
to swamps and fastnesses, where it was dangerous 
to pursue, difficult to discover, and impossible to 
attack them but at the greatest disadvantage. 

Notwithstanding every exertion, which the colo- 
nies could make, they continued plundering, burn- 
ing, killing, and captivating, in one place and anoth- 
er, and kept the whole country in perpetual fear and 
alarm. There was no safety to man, woman, nor 
child ; to him who went out, nor to him who came 
in. Whether they were asleep or awake, whether 
they journied, laboured, or worshipped, they were 
in continual jeopardy. 

Beside other damages, not so considerable, cap- 
tain Hutchinson, who had been sent with a party of 
horse to treat with the Nipmuck Indians, was near Aug. 2d. 
Brookfield drawn into an ambush and mortally 
wounded. Sixteen of his company were slain. p The 



14.2 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, enemy rushed in upon the town, burnt all the dwell- 
ing houses, except one which was defended by the 
1675. garrison, with the barns and out houses. 

In September, Hadley, Deerfield, and Northfield, 
on Connecticut river, were attacked and numbers 
of the inhabitants killed and wounded. Most of the 
buildings in Deerfield were burnt, and Northfield 
was soon after abandoned to the enemy. Captain 
Beers was surprised near Northfield by a large 
body of the enemy, and slain with twenty of his 
company. 

The officers who commanded in this part of the 
country, finding that by sending out parties they 
sustained continual loss, and effected nothing of im- 
portance, determined to collect a magazine at Had- 
ley and to garrison the towns. At Deerfield there 
were two or three thousand bushels of wheat, which 
they determined to bring down to the magazine at 
Hadley. While captain Lothrop, with a chosen 
body of young men, the flower of the county of Es- 
sex, was guarding the teams employed in this ser- 
g j vice, seven or eight hundred Indians attacked and 
cut him off, with his whole company. A number 
of the teamsters were slain. Not less than ninety 
or a hundred men were killed on the spot. Captain 
Mosely with his company, marched from Deerfield 
to reinforce captain Lothrop, but arrived too late for 
his rescue. He fought the whole body of the ene- 
my several hours ; till major Treat, with a hundred 
and sixty men came to his assistance, and put the 
enemy to flight. The fall of captain Lothrop and 
such a fine corps of young men, was a heavy blow 
to the country ; especially to the county of Essex ; 
which filled it with great and universal lamentation. 

During the term of forty years the Indians about 
Springfield, had lived in the greatest amity with the 
English, and still made professions of entire friend- 
ship : yet they, about the same time, with three 
hundred of Philip's Indians, whom they had treach- 
erously received into their fort the preceding even- 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 143 

ing, made a sudden and furious attack upon that chap. 

town. Major Treat from Westfield, and the soldiers 

from the neighbouring garrisons, marched with great 1575. 
despatch and repulsed the enemy. The town never- 
theless sustained great damages. Thirty two dwel- 
ling houses besides barns were burned. Major Pyn- 
chon and Mr. Purchas sustained the loss of a thou- 
sand pounds sterling each.* 

On the 19th of October seven or eight hundred 
Indians, with great fury, fell on the town of Hatfield. 
They made their assault, at the same time, on almost 
every part of the town. But they met with so warm 
a reception, that they were soon put to a total flight. 
This so disheartened them, that they soon withdrew 
from the towns on the river, and held their general 
rendezvous in the Narragansetts. 

Soon after hostilities were commenced by Philip, 
the Tarrenteens began their depredations in New- 
Hampshire and the Province of Main. They rob- 
bed the boats, and plundered the English houses of 
their liquors, ammunition, and whatever they could 
carry off with facility. In September they began to 
murder and captivate the inhabitants, to burn their 
buildings and lay waste their settlements. They 
fell on Saco, Scarborough, and Kittery ; killed be- 
tween twenty and thirty of the inhabitants ; burned 
their houses, barns, and mills, marking their route 
with a general carnage and desolation. Elated with 
these successes, they then advanced towards Pisca- 
taqua, doing the same mischiefs at Oyster river, Sal- 
mon Falls, Dover, and Exeter. Before winter the 
English in this quarter sustained the loss of more 
than sixty of their inhabitants, and nearly as many 
buildings, besides the loss of cattle and all other 
damages. 

The Indians in those parts had real grounds of Reasonsot 
complaint against the English, which they alleged thel ;° stil1 - 
as the reasons of their hostility. One Squando, sa- euternin- 

dians. 
* Hutch, vol. i. p, 295. 



144 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, chem of the Saco Indians, was the great incendiary 
in those parts. The rash and foolish conduct of a 
1675. number of English seamen, gave him an affront which 
he never knew how to pardon. They had heard it 
reported, that the Indian children could swim as 
naturally as any other young creatures. To make 
the experiment, they either overset the canoe in 
which his squaw and child were, or cast the child 
into the river. The royal mother instantly dove to 
the bottom and brought up her babe unharmed. But 
sometime after it died, as it might have done had 
no such insult been offered. But the sachem seem- 
ed willing to impute its death to some injury which 
it then received : and, by all means in his power, 
sought an ample revenge. Beside this the Indians 
about Cape Sables had received an injury of a more 
criminal nature. A number of them had been enticed 
on board' a vessel, carried off, and sold into slavery.* 
This fired them with just and universal resentment. 
The legislatures of the colonies utterly disapproved 
this conduct, and were not unwilling to redress their 
injuries. But the enemy immediately commenced 
hostilities, seeking redress by war, rather than by 
negotiation. At the same time, they were instigated 
and assisted by their French neighbours. 

The Narragansetts, in direct violation of the treaty, 
had given a friendly reception to Philip's men, and 
other hostile Indians. It was believed, that during 
the late troubles they had been in actual hostility 
against the colonies. They were supposed to have 
two thousand warriors and nearly a thousand mus- 
kets. Should they all engage in open hostility, in 
the spring, and scatter, as they might, in all parts of 
the country, it was judged that all the forces which 
the colonies could bring into the field would not be 
able to match the united strength of the enemy. In the 
summer past, one company after another had wasted 
away. Future prospects were not more favourable. 

• Hubbard's Narrative, p. 231, 232, 233. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 145 

The commissioners of the united colonies, therefore, 
determined to march a thousand men, in the dead of 
winter, into the Narragansett country, and to attack 1675 
the head quarters of the enemy. The Massachusetts 
furnished a corps of about five hundred and thirty 
men, consisting of six companies of foot and a 
troop of horse, commanded by major Appleton. 
Plymouth raised two companies under the command 
of major Bradford. The corps from Connecticut 
consisted of five companies, commanded by major 
Treat. The whole was commanded by governour 
Winslow of Plymouth. On the 18th of December, 
the troops made a junction, at Pettyquamscot, about 
sixteen miles from the enemy. The buildings had 
all ; been burned by the enemy a few days before 
their arrival. Though the evening and night were 
cold and stormy, yet the army were obliged to re- 
main uncovered in the open field. The next morn- 
ing at the dawn of day, they began their march to- 
ward the enemy, wading through the snow, in a se- 
vere season, till one o'clock, without halting, without 
fire to warm, or food to refresh them, excepting what 
was taken upon the march. By this time they had swamp 
nearly reached the seat of the enemy. This was a fight.Dec. 
rising ground in the centre of a large swamp, forti- l9lh * 
fiedwith palisade and compassed with a hedge without, 
of nearly a rod's thickness. The only entrance which 
appeared to be practicable was over a long tree five 
or six feet high. This opening was commanded, in 
front by a log house, and by a' flanker on the left. 
As the army entered the skirts of the swamp the ene- 
my commenced a sudden fire on the advanced par- 
ties, retiring before them till they were led to the 
very entrance. The captains with great spirit led on 
their men, mounted the tree, and entered the fort. 
But they were so galled from the block house, and 
received such a furious and well directed fire, from 
almost every quarter, that they were obliged to re- 
tire without the fort. Captains Johnson and Daven- 
port of the Massachusetts, who led the van, with ma- 
Vol. T. 19 % 



|4G A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, ny other brave men, were shot dead upon the tree. 

The Connecticut corps which formed in the rear, 

16/5. coming up fresh to the charge, entered the fort and 
drove the enemy from the log house and flanker.* 
This so checked their fire, on those who were advanc- 
ing to support the front, that they came on with less 
danger. Such numbers soon poured in upon the en- 
emy, that after a sharp and bloody action they were 
driven from the fort. As they retired the soldiers 
set. fire to their wigwams. Five or six hundreds of 
which were instantly consumed. Their corn stores, 
old men, women, and children perished in the con- 
flagration. The loss of the enemy was 300 warri- 
ors slain, 350 taken prisoners, and 300 women and 
children. It was nevertheless a dear bought victory. 
Six brave captains fell in the action. Not less than 
eighty were either killed or mortally wounded. 
About 150 were wounded, who afterwards recover- 
ed.! After this fatiguing' march and sharp action, 
of three hours, the army, in the dusk of the evening, 
left the fort and carrying their dead and wounded, 
marched back to head quarters. The night was cold 
and snowy, and numbers of the wounded, who oth- 
erwise might have recovered, perished with cold and 
the inconveniencies of so long a march. After ly- 
ing thepieceding night in the open field, besides the 
exertions of this long and hard fought battle, the ar- 
my in less than twenty four hours, marched through 
snow and a pathless wilderness, between thirty and 
forty miles. The courage exhibited and hardships 
endured are hardly credible, and rarely find a paral- 
lel in ancient or modern ages. The season was so 
severe that many of the men were frozen and their 
limbs much swollen. The Connecticut troops in 
their route to the army, and march homewards, kill- 
ed and captivated more than forty of the enemy. The 
Massachusetts troops remained in the country most 
of the winter. They captivated a considerable num- 

* Manuscripts of the Rev. Thomas Ruggles. 
| Hubbard's Nar. p. 108 ; and Hutch, vol. i. p. 299 to 303. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 147 

ber of the enemy, brought in their corn, burned their chap. 
wigwams and stores ; but did nothing brilliant or de- 
cisive. _ . 1676 . 

Meanwhile the enemy were not idle. The latter 
end of January they drove off from one man sixteen 
horses, fifty neat cattle, and two hundred sheep. The 
next month the Nipmuck and Narragansett Indians, Feb. 10th. 
fell upon Lancaster, plundered and burnt most of 
the town, and either killed or carried into captivity 
forty of the inhabitants. About twenty days after 
they made an assault on Medfield, slew twenty men, 
and laid nearly half the town in ashes. March was a 
month of still greater disasters. The towns of 
Northampton and Springfield, of Chelmsford, Gro- 
ton, Sudbury, and Marlborough, in the Massachu- 
setts, and of Warwick and Providence, in Rhode- 
Island, were assaulted : and some of them partly and 
others totally destroyed. Many of the inhabitants 
were killed and others led away into a miserable cap- 
tivity. Captain Pierce, with fifty English and twen- 
ty friendly Indians, was drawn into an ambush and 
surrounded with a numerous body of the enemy, 
who slew every Englishman and the greatest part of <, 6U ™ * 
the Indians. Two days after the enemy made an 
attack on Rehoboth; burnt forty dwelling houses, 
besides barns and other buildings. In April, cap- April, 
tain Wadsworth, marching with fifty men, to the re- 
lief of Sudbury, was surrounded by the enemy and 
slain with his whole party. The success of the ene- 
my was now at its height. Ti»eir affairs soon took a 
very different turn. 

Captain George Dennison of Stonington, with a num- 
ber of volunteers from Connecticut, and a party of 
friendly Indians,made several successful excursions in- 
to the Narragansett country, in which he killed and cap- 
tivated a hundred and twenty of the enemy. This suc- 
cess was rendered much more important on account of 
the slaughter of a number of their chief captains, 
and the capture of Canonchet, the chief sachem of 
all the Narragansetts. He was the son of the great 



|48 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, sachem Miantonimo, inheritor of all his pride, inso- 

lence, and hatred against the English. 

1676 Major Talcot marching with the Connecticut 

troops, from Norwich to make a junction with the 
Massachusetts forces at Brookfield^ killed and capti- 
vated sixty of the enemy. Eighty more were not long 
after killed or taken, by the Connecticut detach- 
ments, which had been left at Norwich and Stonbg- 
ton, for the defence of that part of the colony. The 
Massachusetts and Plymouth soldiers, in ranging the 
country after Philip, killed and took a hundred and 
fifty more. In a short time between four and five 
hundred of the enemy were killed and made prison- 
ers. They were now hunted, distressed, and broken 
in every quarter. One chief was killed and taken 
after another. A complication of evils conspired 
to effect their destruction. 

In the winter and spring, their corii, beans, pro- 
visions, and wigwams had been pretty generally de- 
stroyed. They had not been able to plant or fish, 
as usual, for their subsistence. By lying together in 
swamps, feeding on horse flesh and on groundnuts, 
which in the summer are soft and unhealthful, they 
began to be swept off by various diseases. So dis- 
tressed were they with famine, so harrassed and 
broken by the English, who hunted them from 
swamp to swamp, and from one lurking place to 
another, that, in July and August, they came in some- 
times two or three hundred in a week and surrendered 
themselves to the mercy of the conquerors. On the 
12th of August Philip himself was killed by a par- 
ty under captain Church, that famous partisan. This 
was a finishing stroke. Of the scattering parties 
which remained many were soon captivated, others 
surrendered themselves, and numbers fled to the 
French and to Indians of strange and distant nations. 
By the close of the year, the peace of the west- 
ern and middle parts of New-England, was again 
tolerably well restored. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 149 

At the eastward however the Avar was continued chap. 

till the spring of 1678. The preceding summer 

captain Swett was defeated and slain. Sixty of his Apriii2th, 
men were left with him on the field. The victo- 1678. 
rious enemy the same summer surprised and took 
about twenty fishing vessels, with their crews, and 
made them an easy prey. Their success continued 
until most of the settlements were swept away and 
the country was reduced to their dominion.* The 
English agreed to make the Indians a small acknowl- 
ment annually, for their lands. Thus peace was 
once more restored, and the inhabitants returned to 
their deserted settlements. 

Very great indeed were the losses sustained by this ^^ tl su b s " 
predatory war. Nearly 600 of rhe inhabitants, the the war. 
greatest part of whom were the flower of the coun- 
try, either fell in battle, or were murdered by the 
savages. Many others were led away into a most 
miserable captivity. Most of the country was in 
deep mourning. There was scarcely a family or 
individual who had not lost some relative or friend. 
Twelve or thirteen towns were wholly destroyed, 
and others greatly damaged. About 600 buildings, 
chiefly dwelling houses, were consumed with fire.f 
An almost insupportable debt was contracted by the 
colonies, at a time when their live stock and all oth- 

* Belknap's H. vol. i. p. 157, 159. 
■j- This statement of the loss of lives and buildings is made out, by 
an accurate enumeration of the various numbers particularly men- 
tioned, as lost, in the ancient histories of those times. But as there 
were, doubtless, many lives lost of which there is no particular ac- 
count, so the loss of lives must have been greater than is here stated. 
The loss of building's will still much more exceed the number speoified. 
The ancient histories rarely mention the number of barns, stores, and 
out houses which were burned i and, sometimes they notice the burn- 
ing of parts of towns and of the buildings in such and such a tract, with- 
out any specification of the numbers. The whole number of inhabi- 
tants, at this time, in New-England, probably, did not exceed 60,000. 
Estimating five to a family, and every fifth person to be a soldier, they 
amounted to 12,000 families ; and to the same number of fencible 
men. Agreeably to this estimation nearly one family in twenty were 
burnt out ; and the country sustained the loss of nearly a twentieth 
part of their fencible men. This war, probably was not less distress- 
ing or impoverishing to the United Colonies, than the late war has 
been to the United States. 



150 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

C ^n P er resources nac * suffered a very great diminution. 

The whole of this loss and expense was borne solely 

by the colonies. 

Various providential circumstances rendered this 
scourge of the heathens less terrible than otherwise 
it might have been. The christian and friendly In- 
dians gave early notice of the plots and designs of 
the enemy. This probably preserved the New- Eng- 
land colonies from such massacres as were perpe- 
trated on their southern neighbours. They had warn- 
ing and time to put themselves into a state of de- 
fence. The Mohegans and Pequots, who had been 
suffered to incorporate with them, continued entire- 
ly friendly during the war. Large numbers of them 
served under the Connecticut officers and performed 
very essential services. Many of the christian In- 
dians bore a faithful part in the war ; and they all 
continued peaceable. The capture of the Narragan- 
sett fort, the destruction of the stores and dwellings 
of the enemy, in that severe season, was a blow from 
which they never recovered. In the height of the 
war the Mohawks fell upon Philip and slew about 
fifty of his warriors. When affairs began to turn 
against the enemy they fell into divisions and sep- 
arated. Some to conciliate the English and obtain 
good terms for themselves betrayed their fellows, 
and took arms against them. By these means the 
war was brought to a speedy issue .; and terminated 
in the total reduction and overthrow of the Indians 
in New-England. At the same time it opened a 
wide door to extensive settlement and population. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 151 



CHAPTER IV. 

Customs imposed on the colonies by act of parliament. The adminis- 
tration of Major Andros. Both oppress, and create general unea- 
siness. Claims of the Major on Connecticut. The colony make opposi- 
tion and protest against his conduct. The Virginians distressed by 
the acts of trade, and government at New-York ; the people are 
thrown into tumult ; Bacon excites rebellion. Its unhappy conse- 
quences. Andros' treatment of the Jerseys. Quowarrantos are is- 
sued against the New-England charters. The oppressive administra- 
tion of Sir Edmund Andros. Sir Edmund seized by the people at 
Boston. Joy excited by the accession of William and Mary to the 
throne of Britain. 

W HILE the united colonies were engaged in a bloody CI ?y p> 
and arduous war for the possession of the soil and ,1. 
defence of every thing dear to m^n, they had other 
enemies to combat, who were sapping the very foun- 
dations of their government and liberties. All the 
colonies were soon sensibly injured by their influence, 
and the impolitic and arbitrary measures of the king 
and parliament. As early as 1672, customs were impos- 
ed on the colonists, to be collected by revenue offi- 
cers resident among them for that purpose. By the 
act of 25th of Charles II. for the better securing of the 
plantation trade it was ordained, " That if any vessel 
which by law may trade in the plantations, shall take on 
board any enumerated commodities, and a bond shall 
not have been given with sufficient security to un- 
lade them in England, there shall be rendered to his 
majesty, for sugars, tobacco, ginger, cocoa nut, indi- 
go, logwood, fustic, cotton wool, the several duties 
mentioned in the law, to be paid in such places in the 
plantations, and to such officers as shall be appointed 
to collect the same : and for their better collection, 
it is enacted, that the whole business shall be manag- 
ed and the imposts be levied by officers appointed 
by the commissioners of the customs in England." 
The colonists considered the act as injurious, impol- 
itic, arbitrarv, and cruel ; and on various accounts 



152 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

CI Jv ? ' were utter b r opposed to its nature and influence. 

The colonies were poor and greatly in debt, on the 

account of their Indian wars. They needed encour- 
agement and assistance. At such a time to be load- 
ed with customs was oppressive and cruel. It was 
the more injurious, as duties were imposed on all 
the enumerated articles when exported only from 
one plantation to another, no less than when ex- 
ported to foreign ports. The injury was still in- 
creased, in that the revenue arising from the act 
was not applied to the benefit of the plantation in 
which it was raised, but entirely conveyed away for 
the benefit of others. Indeed the act seemed to 
serve no other purposes than to burden trade, dis- 
tress the colonies, and create a good income to the 
officers. For half of the duties went to the collector, 
and a quarter to the comptroller, the other fourth 
was sub-divided into salaries till it was swallowed 
in the vortex of office. At. the same time, the 
colonies considered the act as a contravention of 
their charters ; and, as they had no representation in 
parliament, inconsistent with their natural rights as 
Englishmen. Governour Nicholson of Maryland 
wrote to the board of trade, "I have observed that a 
great many people in all these provinces and colonies, 
especially in those under proprietaries, and the two 
others under Connecticut and Rhode Island, think 
that no law of England ought to be in force and 
binding to them without their own consent ; for they 
foolishly say, they have no representatives sent from 
themselves to the parliament of England ; and they 
look upon all laws made in England, that put any 
restraint upon them, to be great hardships." On all 
these accounts the colonists were utterly opposed to 
the act, and were willing by all means to prevent 
its operation. For several years they paid very little 
attention to its requirements. As the commission- 
ers increased their profits, in proportion to the sums 
they collected, they were zealous for enforcing the 
act. The evasion and obstinacy of the colonies, 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 153 

awaking their resentments, they commenced spies chap. 

and complainers, constantly acting against, and in- " 

juring them, in their most essential rights. 1675 

After the pacification with the Dutch, major Ed- 
mund Andros was appointed governour of New- 
York : and in October, 1674, the Dutch resigned 
the government to him. He was a man of arbitrary- 
principles, and high notions of government, breath- 
ing the same spirit with the duke of York and his 
royal master. Therefore though New- York was re- 
gained, yet the inhabitants were nevertheless enslav- 
ed. He admitted them to no share in the legislature, 
but governed them by laws to which they nev- 
er had given their assent. Such was the degree of 
servitude to which he degraded the colony, that it 
gave to persons of all denominations universal dis- 
satisfaction. But New- York was not the only gov- 
ernment, which felt the weight of his oppression and 
despotism. Connecticut and other colonies felt its 
mischievous influence. 

About two years after king Charles had confirmed 
the ancient boundaries of Connecticut, granted in 
the old patent to lord Say and Seal, lord Brook, &c. 
by his royal letters patent, he made a grant of all the 
territory west of Connecticut river, as far as Delaware 
bay, to his brother the duke of York and Albany ; 
together with all the islands, which had been so re- 
cently granted by him to the colony of Connecticut. 
In consequence of the possession which the Dutch 
afterwards had of the country, the validity of this 
grant was rendered doubtful. The duke therefore, 
after the pacification with the Dutch, took out a new 
grant of the same territory. By virtue of this, major Major An- 
Andros claimed jurisdiction over all that part of cl '^ s ; u- 
Connecticut west of the river ; and coming into the risdktion 
river's mouth, with an armed force made a demand |" C u° nnec ' 
of the fort at Say-Brook. 

The governour and council having previous no- 
tice of his designs, despatched captain Bull with a 
number of bold men to Sav-Brook, at all hazards to 

Vol. I. 20 



154 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, defend the fort and country against him. A special 

assembly was called on the 9th of July, 1675. The 

1675. assembly unanimously protested against his claims 
The as- and proceedings, and warned him at his peril to 
prmelt a desist fr° m ms attempts against the colony. They 
gainst his declared that they would use their utmost exertions 
conduct. to defend the good people of the colony against his 
attempts. They prohibited all his majesty's sub- 
jects, of the colony of Connecticut, from attending, 
countenancing, or obeying the said major Andros, 
or any under him, in any order, instruction, or com- 
mand contrary to the laws of the colony, as they 
should answer it at their peril.* 

Captain Bull conducted the business of his com- 
mission with great address and resolution. Major 
Andros hoisted the British flag on board his ship, 
and drawing up before the fort, with all appearances 
He de- of hostility, demanded, That it should be delivered 

fortatslyl to ^ m as ms ma j est y' s govemour. Captain Bull 
brook. erected the British standard in the fort, and made 
proper dispositions for a vigorous defence. His 
men appeared with the best countenance, prompt 
and determined to execute their orders. Both par- 
ties, however, were unwilling to fire on his majesty's 
colours and subjects. The major finding, that an 
attempt to possess himself of the fort, by force, might 
be hazardous and bloody, had recourse to strata- 
gem. He imagined that if he could obtain admit- 
tance on shore, and read his commission, it might 
prevent all further opposition. He therefore made 
propositions of an amicable interview on shore. 
Captain Bull apprehensive of his designs conducted 
the affair with such vigilance and firmness as entire- 
ly to defeat them. The major, though defeated in 
his attempts, could not but admire the man, who had 
executed his trust with such fidelity and heroism. 
It is therefore reported, that understanding his name 
to be Bull, he declared, That it was a pity, that his 
horns were not tipped with silver. The assembly 

* Records of the colony of Connecticut, 



1675. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 155 

of Connecticut considered this attempt of the major chap. 
as a gross injury and insult. The spirit of the peo- 1V ' 
pie on this occasion will appear in a proclamation is- 
sued under the great seal of the colony, which con- 
tained the following declaration : " Forasmuch as 
the good people of this, his majesty's colony of Con- 
necticut have met with much trouble and molesta- 
tion from major Edmund Andros, his challenge and 
attempts to surprise the main part of said colony, 
Avhich they have so rightfully obtained, so long pos- 
sessed and defended against all invasions of Dutch 
and Indians, to the great grievance of his majesty's 
good subjects in their settlements ; and to despoil 
the happy government, by charter from his majesty 
granted, to themselves, under which they have en- 
joyed many halcyon days of peace and tranquillity, 
to their great satisfaction, and the content of his maj- 
esty graciously expressed by letters to them, so 
greatly engaging their loyalty and thankfulness, as 
makes it intolerable to be put oft* from so long and 
just settlement under his majesty's government by 
charter."* Major Andros finding that the people of 
Connecticut were utterly opposed to his government, 
and determined to resist it to the last extremity, 
gave the matter up, and made no further attempts on 
the colony. 

However the people of New- England had their 
enemies both on this and the other side of the water, 
who were busily employed in measures subversive 
of her governments and liberties. Complaints were 
exhibited against them in England, and inquiries 
set on foot by which they were continually harassed. 
Complaints were exhibited, by Gorges and Mason, 
against the Massachusetts, respecting the extent of 
their patent lines and government. Edward Ran- 
dolph from year to year, exhibited complaints against 
the united colonies, for their opposition to his maj- 
esty's commissioners, and non-compliance with the 

* Records of the colony of Connecticut. 



[56 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, acts of trade. Notwithstanding the distresses and 
iv • • • 

impoverishment of the war, his majesty required 

1675. tnat a g en ts should be sent over to England to answer 
to the matters alleged against them. He reprimand- 
ed the colonies for their non-compliance with the 
acts of trade. The colonies had indeed, for the rea- 
sons which have been mentioned, declined an obser- 
vation of them. But on receiving express injunc- 
tions from his majesty, that the acts of trade and 
navigation should be punctually observed, acts were 
made providing for a punctual conformity to them. 
These acts on the account of the tobacco trade very 
greatly injured Virginia and Maryland. The Vir- 
ginians were the most stanch royalists of any sub- 
jects in the colonies. In 1642 the assembly by a 
formal act declared, " That they were born under 
monarchy, and would never degenerate from the con- 
dition of their births, by being subject to any other 
government." So highly agreeable was this act, that 
when it was presented to the king, he gave the col- 
ony the fullest assurances that they should always be 
immediately dependent upon the crown, and that their 
form of government should never be changed. They 
resisted the government of the parliament, and of the 
Lord protector, till by force they were reduced to 
obedience. After the death of the protector's govern- 
our, Matthews, they set up governour Berkley, and 
with one unanimous voice declared that they would 
venture their lives and fortunes for king Charles. 
Sir William Berkley assumed the government ; and 
proclaimed Charles the second, king of England, 
Scotland, France, Ireland, and Virginia. He caused 
every process to be issued in his majesty's name j 
so that he was king in Virginia before he was actu- 
ally so in England.* Fortunately for the Virgini- 
ans, the restoration soon followed ; otherwise they 
would not have escaped a severe chastisement. 

t History of North America, in the New American Mag 1 , p. 250.2";* 



ans. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 15J 

Notwithstanding this singular attachment to royal- chap. 

ty, no colony more severely felt the mischiefs of a \ 

despotic kingly government than Virginia. In di- 1675 
rect contravention of their rights by charter, the col- 
ony was split into parts, and conveyed away in pro- 
prietary grants. These were not grants barely of 
uncultivated woodlands, but of plantations, which 
for many years had been improved under the coun- 
tenance and encouragement of kings and charters. 
These grants began to be put in execution nearly at 
the same time with the acts of trade and navigation. 
The Virginians remonstrated against these grants. 
The assembly of Virginia drew up a humble address Burdens 
to his majesty complaining of them, as derogatory of ?£ * h . e 
the precious charters and privileges granted to that 
colony by his majesty and his royal progenitors. To 
defray the expense of prosecuting the affair before 
his majesty, a tax of fifty pounds of tobacco was 
laid on each poll during the term of two years. 
Amercements were also laid of thirty, fifty, and sev- 
enty pounds of tobacco, agreeably to the nature of 
the cause, on every law case tried in the colony. 
The low price of tobacco, these taxes and amerce- 
ments all united their influence, with the duties im- 
posed by the acts of trade and navigation, to distress 
the colony. The poor people were not able, by the 
effects of their industry, to feed and clothe their 
wives and children. After waiting under all these 
pressures, for a considerable time, there was no en- 
couragement from their agents in England, that 
they should ever be eased of their heavy impositions. 
These created such great and general uneasiness, as 
rendered the people almost desperate. 

Another unhappy circumstance served to augment 
their miseries. While the Dutch held New York 
the Virginians drove a very profitable trade with the 
Indians. But after the English became the posses- 
sors, and understood the advantages of the trade, they 
took measures to draw it off from Virginia to New 
York, They so disaffected the Indians towards the 



153 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. Virginians that instead of coming amicably among 

them, for trade, as had been usual, they began to 

1676< rob and murder them.* So that an Indian war was 
They fail added to their other calamities. Under this com- 
mon. a ° plication of evils the people became tumultuous, 
collected in large bodies, running from one planta- 
tion to another, without a leader or any proper ar- 
Coi. Bacon rangement. At length one colonel Bacon, a bold 
beihon. e * active young man, of a good education, handsome 
presence, and powerful elocution, was chosen their 
general. He had been brought up at one of the 
inns of court in London ; and on account of his ex- 
traordinary qualifications, had been chosen into the 
council, before he had been three years in the coun- 
try ; and was held in great honour and esteem among 
the people. He gave his followers the strongest as- 
surances, that he would never lay down his arms, 
until he had avenged their sufferings, on the Indians, 
and obtained a redress of all their grievances. 
Among his followers, there was a perfect unanimity, 
and they were all at his devotion. His preparations 
were soon completed, and having despatched a mes- 
senger to governour Berkley, to send him a commis- 
sion to go against the Indians, he began his march 
depending on the authority and influence of the peo- 
ple. But very contrary to his expectations, the gov- 
ernour instead of sending him a commission sent 
positive orders, that he should dismiss his men and 
come down to him in person, on pain of being de- 
clared a rebel. Bacon however, depending on his 
strength, and interest with the people, determined 
to prosecute his designs. Though he did not dis- 
miss his men, yet taking about forty, on whom he 
could depend, he went down in a sloop to Jamestown 
to wait on the governour. He found him with his 
council. But the colonel's matters not succeeding 
agreeably to his wishes, he expressed himself so 
warmly that the governour suspended him from the 

* Hist. N. America in the New American Magazine, p. 256, 257 : 
and Beverley's hist. p. 64 to 68. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



159 



council. Upon this he went off, in a rage, with his chap. 
sloop and men. The governour pursued him, and 1V ' 
adopted such measures, that he was taken at Sandy 16 - 6 
Point and sent down to Jamestown. The govern- 
our had gone beyond his instructions in suspending 
him ; he therefore now kindly received, and gladly 
admitted him again to his council. He hoped, that 
by this all matters might be quieted. But colonel 
Bacon still insisted upon a commission, to be gener- 
al of the volunteers, and to go out against the In- 
dians. In vain did the governour labour to dissuade 
him from his purpose. He had the fortune to be 
countenanced in his importunity by the news of fresh 
murders and depredations committed by the Indians. 
But as he could not carry his points by fair means, 
he got privately out of town, and putting himself at 
the head of six hundred volunteers, marched direct- 
ly to Jamestown, where the assembly were then sit- 
ting. Drawing up his men before the house, in which 
the assembly were convened, he presented himself 
to the members, urged his preparations, and alleg- 
ed that if the commission had not been so long de- 
layed, the war against the Indians, might have been 
finished. In these circumstances the assembly judg- 
ed it most expedient to grant his commission ; and 
the governour, though with great reluctance, put 
his hand to the instrument, which constituted him 
general of the forces of Virginia. Colonel Bacon hav- 
ing gained his point, immediately marched off his 
men. But no sooner were they at such a distance, 
as that the assembly judged it safe to proceed against 
him, than they advised the governour to issue a 
proclamation of rebellion against him. A proclama- 
tion was issued commanding his followers to deliver 
him, and immediately disperse themselves. At the 
same time, orders were given for raising the militia 
of the country against him. But the people were so 
exasperated by their burdens, and general Bacon had 
such an entire dominion over their hearts, that they 
unanimously resolved, that an hair of his head should 



X60 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, not be touched, and much more that they would not 
deliver him up as a rebel. They therefore kept their 
1676 arms, and instead of proceeding against the Indians, 
marched back to Jamestown. Their fury was now 
directed against all, who were in opposition to their 
measures. The governour was obliged to flee over 
the bay to Accomack. Hither he hoped the infec- 
tion of Bacon's rebellion had not spread. But even 
here the people, instead of receiving him with open 
arms, in remembrance of his former good services, 
began to make terms with him for the redress of 
their former grievances, and for freeing the trade 
from the burdens and embarrassments laid upon it by 
acts of parliament. Thus Sir William, who had 
been almost the idol of the people, was, by reason 
of their burdens and jealousy, in a great measure 
abandoned. For some time he could make no head 
against Bacon, who ranged through the country at 
Aug. 3d. pleasure. He first called a convention, and after- 
wards issued writs, signed by himself and four of 
his council, and convoked an assembly. By this 
time the governour had collected a small party, and 
furnished them with sloops, arms, and ammunition. 
The command was given to major Robert Beverly, 
who crossed the bay to oppose the malecontents. 
Thus civil war commenced, skirmish after skirmish 
happened, in which some were killed and others 
wounded. While the parties were thus laying waste 
their infant country, and destroying one another, it 
pleased the Supreme Ruler, to put an end to these 
mischiefs, by the natural death of general Bacon. 
The rebels, having lost their head, soon fell into 
confusion and began to disperse. Lieutenant gen- 
eral Ingram, and major general Walklate surrender- 
ed on condition of pardon for themselves and follow- 
ers. The generals, though pardoned, were obliged 
to submit to the incapacity of never bearing office in 
the country for the future. The people returned to 
their habitations, and internal peace was again restor- 
ed to the province. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. l'AJ. 

Terrible were the effects of this civil dissension, chap. 
Jamestown was burnt to the ground, by Richard 1V# 
Lawrence, one of Bacon's seditious captains. Great 16 _ 9 
havock was made among the stocks of cattle ; and, 
during the insurrection, there was an almost total 
neglect of husbandry ; so that the people had the 
• dreadful prospect of famine.* 

The Indians taking advantage of the confusion in- 
to which the colony was thrown, so desolated the 
frontiers and murdered the inhabitants, that for near- 
ly thirty years afterwards the improvements were ex- 
tended but very little further than at the time of the 
rebellion. Nor did the unhappy consequences 
of the rebellion end here. The governour had writ- 
ten to England for a regiment of soldiers to be sent 
over to suppress the insurrection. After the colony 
was quieted, they came over, and were kept on foot 
in the country about three years. With them were 
sent commissioners,to inquire into the occasion and to 
take cognizance of the authors of the rebellion. Soon 
after their arrival Sir William Berkley made a voy- 
age to England, where he died not long after his ar- 
rival. 

About the year 1679 lord Culpepper was sent 
over governour, with certain laws, drawn up by the 9 
ministry in England, to be enacted by the assembly 
in Virginia. Miserable indeed was the dilemma to i-orcl Cui- 
which the Virginians were now reduced. For though p'refse™ 1 '" 
his lordship had instructions to pass an act of pardon theVir- 
for all who had been in the late rebellion, yet, it was P ****;- 
on condition, that the assembly should first pass the 
laws, which he had brought over from the British 
ministry. On their refusal, he had commissioners 
ready to try and hang them as rebels ; and a regi- 
ment of soldiers on the spot, to support him in these 
faithless and arbitrary proceedings. Having the lives 
of the planters in his hand, it was not difficult for 
him to effect his purposes. One of the laws brought 

* Beverlej's hist. p. 69 to 75. 

Vol. I. 21 



162 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, over, was an act, for raising a public revenue for the 
.... support of government. The act made the duties 
1679. perpetual, to be at the sole direction of his majesty, 
for the support of government. When he had 
effected this, he obtained out of the duties a salary of 
two thousand pounds annually, instead of one thou- 
sand, which had been the usual allowance. He also 
obtained a hundred and sixty pounds annually for 
house rent. Besides, he demanded of every vessel 
under a hundred tons, twenty shillings, as a duty, 
and thirty shillings for all above that burden, to be 
paid to him, as a perquisite, by the captain of the 
vessel, for every voyage at port clearing. It had 
been customary for captains of vessels to make pres- 
ents to the governour of liquors and other articles for 
house keeping, but he obtained a certain sum, and 
made it perpetual.* 

He also oppressed the people by causing them to 
receive a light coin in payments, at the same rate 
with that which was full weight. This oppression 
he continued for his own emolument, till the peo- 
ple began to treat him in his own way, by paying 
the duties and his perquisites in the same light pieces. 
By this practice they caused the law, by which he had 
compassed this mischief, to operate against him, 
and in this way obtained its repeal. 

While these matters were transacted in Virginia, 
important events were taking place in the Jerseys and 
in New-England. One half of the province of New- 
Jersey belonged to lord Berkeley. In 1674, he made 
a conveyance of this half to John Fenwick, in trust 
_, , for Edward Bilhwe and his assigns. The next year 

Settle- . . 

ment of Fenwick came over with a number of families and 
West New servants and began the settlement of West Jersey, on 
iSSP a T1C ^ an d Peasant tract, which he named Salem. 
Some of the principal planters, who came with Fen- 
wick, were Edward Champness, Edward and Samu- 
el Wade, John Smith, Samuel Nichols, Richard 

* Hist, of N.America published in the Magazine, p. 257 to 262; an** 
Beverley's hist. p. 76 and 79. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 163 

Guy, Noble, and Hancock. Billinge agreed to pre- chap. 
sent his interest, in the province of New Jersey, to IV 
his creditors, as he could make them no other satis- 1676 
faction. William Penn, Gawen Lawrie, and Nicho- 
las Lucas, were appointed trustees, to dispose of the 
lands for that purpose. In 1676, they agreed upon Divisional 
a division with Sir George Carteret. The divisional lme * 
line ran from the east side of Little Egg Harbour 
directly north, through the country, to the utmost 
branch of the river Delaware. All that part on the 
east of said line was New East Jersey, and all on the 
west of it was called New West Jersey.* There 
subsisted a difference between Fenwick and Billinge, 
which seems, for nearly two years, to have retarded 
the settlement. At length the trustees, by their 
good offices effected a composition. The West Jer- 
sey was divided into one hundred proprieties ; ten 
of which were conveyed to John Fenwick, for his 
satisfaction, relative to the purchase which he had 
made of lord Berkeley. The ninety remaining parts, 
were sold for the benefit of the creditors of Billinge. 
Two companies of friends, one in Yorkshire, and 
the other in London, purchased considerable shares 
in West Jersey. In June 1677, about a hundred 
and thirty passengers, belonging to these companies, 
arrived at New- Castle. They landed at Rackoon 
creek, where the Swedes had made some scattering 
settlements. For want of houses they were obliged 
to stow away their beds and furniture in hovels, 
cowstalls, and the like miserable apartments. In 
these poor shelters they suffered many inconvenien- 
ces. Commissioners were sent over by the proprie- 
tors to make purchases of the Indians, to inspect the 
rights of those who claimed property, and to direct 
the affairs of settlement. They made three consid- 
erable purchases of the Indians ; and after exploring 
the country, both companies agreed to settle a town 
on the island called Chygoes, which they named 

* Smith's hist. N. Jersey, p. ?9, 80, and to 89, 



464 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. Burlington. Many of them, at first, lived in 

wigwams built in the Indian manner. They sub- 

1680. sisted chiefly on Indian corn and venison, with which 
they were supplied by the Indians. 
Free con- Their constitution of government secured to them. 

stitution. . , o , . . • 

in the amplest manner, which words could well ex- 
press, both civil and religious liberty. No tax, as- 
sessment, nor duty whatsoever, might on any pretence 
be imposed on the province or the inhabitants of it 
but what should be imposed by the general assem- 
bly.* But, besides all the hardships of settling a 
new country, the people of the Jerseys, soon very se- 
verely felt the dreadful effects of arbitrary power. 
Powers of government had been as fully granted by 
the duke of York to lord Berkeley and Sir George 
Carteret as the soil, and they had made an ample 
grant of both to the proprietors. Neither the duke, 
, , nor his srovernour, had any colour of risrht either to 
smps gov- soil or government. Yet major Andros, governour 
emmentin of New York, usurped government both in East and 
seys . West Jersey. He obliged the commissioners for 
the settling and general government of the West 
Jersey, to receive a commission from him to act 
as magistrates in that jurisdiction. He threaten- 
ed to defend the government against them, by 
the sword, before he would suffer them to gov- 
ern by their own right. John Fenwick neglect- 
ing to take out a commission from him, with respect 
to the government of his tenth, was arrested and car- 
ried prisoner to New York.f Nay, Andros carried 
the matter so far, that in 1680 he disputed the com- 
mission of governour Carteret of East New Jersey, 
and sending an armed force siezedhim, at Elizabeth 
imposes Town, and carried him prisoner to New York.J Be- 
file Hoar- sides all these violences he imposed a duty of 10 per 
km. cent, on all goods imported at the Hoar-kill, and 5 

per cent, on the settlers at their arrival, or afterwards, 
at the officer's pleasure. This duty was not upon 

* Smith's hist. N. Jersey, p 528. | Ibid. p. 94. f Ibid. p. 68. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 165 

the neat cost of the goods, but upon the foot of the in- 
voice as shipped in England.* Nothing could be 
more illegal and arbitrary than this act. This con- 1680 
duct strongly marks the character of the duke of 
York, who was at the bottom of this business, as a 
covetous, designing knave and merciless tyrant. 
When complaints were made to him of this oppres- Com- 
sion and cruelty, he still put the matter off, referring P laints r e- 

• • 11 11 ii specting 

it to commissioners, when he could not but know th em . 
that he had made the fullest conveyance of all pow- 
ers of government to the proprietors, who had made 
the purchase of the country. The proprietors were 
put to the trouble and expense of appearing before 
the commissioners. The sum of the arguments Argu- 
presented to the duke's commissioners against the ™ tn ts 
customs were, That the king granted to the duke theimpo- 
of York a tract of land in America, with such pow- sition. 
ers and authorities as were necessary to govern and 
preserve the territory when planted : That the duke, 
for a competent sum of money, had sold, and in as 
ample manner granted the country to the lord John 
Berkeley and Sir George Carteret, as it had been 
granted by the king to the duke : That " in the 
conveyance made to them powers of government 
were expressly granted." They say, " That only 
could have induced us to buy it ; and the reason is 
plain, because to all prudent men, the government of 
any place is more inviting than the soil ; for what is 
good land without good laws; the better the worse: and 
if we could not assure people of an easy, and free, 
and safe government, both with respect to their spir- 
itual and worldly property, that is, an uninterrupted 
liberty of conscience, and an inviolable possession of 
their civil rights and freedoms, by a just and wise 
government, a mere wilderness would be no encour- 
agement : for it were a madness to leave a free, good, 
and improved country, to plant in a wilderness ; and 
there adventure many thousands of pounds, to give 

* Smith's hist. N. Jersey, p. 116. 



|(>6 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, an absolute title to another person to tax us at will 
and pleasure." "Natural right and human prudence, 
1680. oppose such doctrine all the world over ; for what 
is it but to say that people free by law under their 
prince at home, are at his mercy in the plantations 
abroad." The king's grant to the duke of York is 
restrictive to the laws and government of England. 
Now we humbly conceive it is made a fundamental, 
in our constitution and government, that the king of 
England cannot justly take his subjects' goods with- 
out their consent. This needs no more to be prov- 
ed than a principle ; tis jus indigene, an home born 
right, declared to be law by diverse statutes, as in 
the great charter, ch. 29, and 34. Ed. III. ch. 2 ; 
again, 25 Ed. ch. 7. Upon this were many of the 
parliament's complaints grounded, particularly that 
of the "same king's reign. To give up the power of 
making laws is to change the government, to sell or 
rather resign ourselves to the will of another ; and 
that for nothing : for we buy nothing of the duke if 
not the right of colonizing, with no diminution, but 
expectation of some increase, of those freedoms and 
privileges enjoyed in our own country. We hum- 
bly say, that we have not lost any part of our liberty, 
by leaving our country, but we transplant to a place 
with express limitation to erect no polity contrary to 
the government (of England,) but as near as may be 
to it ; and this variation is allowed, but for the sake 
of emergencies ; and that latitude bounded with 
these words,yor the good of the planter or adventurer." 
They urged that custom, in all governments, was laid 
upon trade, not upon planting, not upon going to a 
man's habitation and carrying home families and pro- 
perty ; not for hazarding in the improvement of a 
wilderness : and that the custom imposed on them 
was without precedent or parallel : That it was not 
to be found in the duke's conveyance, but was an af- 
ter business : That, had they foreseen it, they would 
rather have taken up in any other plantation in 
America. Besides, they say, "there is no end of this 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 157 

power ; for since we are by this precedent assessed chap. 
without any law, and thereby excluded our English IV * 
right of common assent to taxes ; what security 1681 
have we of any thing we possess ? Wc can call 
nothing our own, but are tenants at will, not only 
for the soil, but for all our personal estates. This sort 
of conduct has destroyed government, but never 
raised one to any true greatness."* 

These arguments and representations clearly de- 
monstrate the sentiments of the first settlers of the 
country relative to taxation, and the rights of Eng- 
lishmen in the colonics, as well as in Great Britain. 
In support of these arguments the authors of them 
quote not only magna charta and various acts of the 
ancient kings of England, but authorities from Brac- 
ton, Fortesque, and the Petition of Rights. The com- 
missioners to whom the duke referred the matter, it 
seems, judged the customs illegal and oppressive. 
For they were immediately taken off, after the matter The caw- 
had a hearinsf before them. Edward Billino-e was tom * tat ' 
appointed governour. He appointed Samuel Jen- 
nings deputy governour ; and as the West Jersey was 
by rhis time become populous, he summoned a gener- 
al assembly, November 25th, 1681. This assembly F : rst as _ 
enacted a number of laws, which were to be funda- semblyin 
mental to themselves, and to their posterity. Thcv UestNew 

,.,',, ' ' J Jersey, 

were not to be violated by any person, nor upon any 1681. 
pretence. These ordained, that there should be an- Funda - 
nually a general, free assembly, chosen by the free i uws . 
people of the province : That the governour should 
not defer the signing and sealing of the acts of the 
assembly : That he should not, on any account raise 
war, or any military force within the province ; nor 
prorogue, nor dissolve the assembly, nor enact any 
law, nor impose any custom, nor raise money without 
the consent and concurrence of the general assem- 
bly. f These also ordained, that no assembly should 
give to the governour of the province any tax or 

* Smith's hist. N. Jersey, p. 117, 123. f Ibid, p, 136,-128/129 



168 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



chap, custom, for a longer time than one complete year : 
That all officers of trust should be nominated by the 
158l general assembly : and that no man should be con- 
demned or hurt, without the judgment of twelve ju- 
rymen. 

During these transactions in the southern and mid- 
dle colonies, affairs were growing worse and worse 
in New-England, and rapidly advancing to an unhap- 
py crisis. As early as the year 1678, Randolph, that 
busy tool of government, came over with powers 
from the commissioners of the customs, to make 
seizures and exhibit informations, for breaches of 
the acts of trade. In 1681, he obtained a commis- 
sion from the crown, to be collector, surveyor, and 
searcher of the customs in New-England. His 
measures and complaints were highly injurious and 
distressing to the colonies. By reason of complaints 
exhibited by him and others, the province of Mas- 
sachusetts had been at the expense of supporting 
two agents in England for nearly the term of three 
years. Connecticut had sent an agent who was tak- 
en by the Algerines. On the return of the agents 
of the Massachusetts they were required immediate- 
ly to send over others. They excused themselves 
from sending a second time ; pleading the dangers of 
the sea, the great losses which they had sustained by 
the Indian war ; and that they were loaded with such 
a debt in consequence of it, as, in a manner, rendered 
them incapable of the expense. But, this year, they 
received a letter under his majesty's sign manual, in- 
timating his displeasure that agents had not been 
sent over; and requiring that they should be sent 
within three months from the reception of his letter. 
Agreeably to his requisition, agents were appointed, 
and sailed in May, for England. A public fast was 
appointed, throughout the colony, to pray for the con- 
tinuation of their charter and the success of their 
agency. The New-England colonies all addressed 
his majesty, in the most suppliant manner, for the 
continuation of their charters and privileges. But 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 169 

addresses however suppliant, with him had no ef- chap. 
feet. He demanded a' surrender of their charters, 
and a submission to the royal pleasure, with respect 1682 . 
to such alterations in their mode of government, as 
should be necessary for his service. The agents of 
the Massachusetts represented the case of the colony 
as desperate, and left it with the court to determine 
whether it were most advisable to suffer a quo war- 
ranto to issue, or to submit to his majesty's pleas- 
ure. The city of London and Bermudas had refus- 
ed, and quo warrantos had been issued against them. 
Many cities had submitted to the royal pleasure. It 
was not difficult to discover that his majesty was 
determined in violation of charters, compacts, the 
constitution, and rights of the people, to assume all 
government into his own hands. In this state of 
affairs, the agents, probably, thought that the Mas- 
sachusetts would be able to determine what would 
be most expedient. Upon the intelligence which 
they had given, this became the great question, 
not only in the general court, but through the colo- 
ny, whether they should submit, or not. The gen- 
eral determination was, not to die by their own 
hands. The agents were instructed " to make no 
concessions of any privileges, conferred upon the 
colony by charter." On the reception of this final 
resolution of the court, the agents found that their 
business was at once accomplished. There was an Q. uo wa 1 '- 
immediate determination, that a quo warranto should ^"nstAhe 
be issued against the charter. Randolph, who by charter of 
all means in his power, had for several years been ^* s s s e a t " ts 
attempting the subversion of the New- England gov- 1683. 
ernments, was to be the messenger of death, and of 
his own triumphs. 

The agents arrived at Boston the 23d of October, 
1683. The same week Randolph arrived with the quo 
warranto, and a declaration from his majesty, that if the 
colony, before prosecution, would make full sub- 
mission and entire resignation to his pleasure, he 
would regulate the charter for his service and their 

Vol. I. 22 



J70 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, p-ood, with no other alterations than should be ne~ 
cessary for the support of his government in the col- 
168 o ony. The governour and major part of the assist- 
ants despairing of success in a suit with his majesty, 
voted humbly to lay themselves at his feet, in sub- 
mission to his pleasure.* But the deputies adhered to 
their former resolutions, determining not to be their 
own executioners. A scire facias was received, by 
the colony, the next September ; but the time of 
their appearance at Westminster, was elapsed be- 
fore the reception of the writ: and judgment was 
entered against their charter. 
1685. In 1685, the attorney general was directed, by an 
order in council, to bring writs of quo warranto 
against Connecticut and Rhode Island ; which colo- 
nies, it seems, had been impeached of high misde- 
meanors. The next year the writs were served on 
both the colonies. Rhode Island resolved, in gener- 
al assembly, not to stand suit with his majesty, but 
wholly to submit themselves and their charter to the 
royal pleasure. 

Connecticut received intelligence of the writ issu- 
ed against their charter before its arrival. A spe- 
cial assembly was convened, on the 6th of July, to 
consult what measures to adopt in this important 
crisis. A letter was addressed to his majesty couch- 
ed in the most loyal and submissive language,, be- 
seeching his majesty to pardon their faults in govern- 
ment, and continue them a distinct colony, with the 
indulgence of their civil and religious privileges. 
They pleaded their charter, the indulgence of his 
royal brother, and his commendation of the colony. 
They besought his majesty to recal the writ which 
they heard had been issued against their charter, f 
Soon after the writ arrived and was served by Ran- 
dolph. This occasioned another special assembly, 
on the 28th of the same month. The assembly ap- 
pointed Mr. White their agent to appear for them 

* Hutch, hist. vol. i. p. 336, 339. 
4 t Records of the colony of Connecticut, vol. iii.p. 182, 183. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. \7\ 

in the court of Britain, to certify his majesty of the chap. 
quo warranto, to pray his majesty to stop all further 
proceedings in law against the colony, and pray to be 168r 
continued distinct and entire. They instruct their 
agent to make a full representation of the great inju- 
ry, which a division of the colony might be to the 
inhabitants. They pray that if they might not be 
continued a distinct colony, that there might be a 
continuation of their properties, houses, lands, and 
religious privileges. Their agent wrote them that 
if they would defend their charter at law, they must 
send over one or more of their own number for that 
purpose. The assembly voted against sending an 
agent, thanked Mr. White for his past services, and 
desired him to continue his gr>od offices in favour of 
the colony. The assembly considered their case as June 15th. 
desperate. Affairs were managed in the court of 
king James in such a lawless, haughty, and despotic 
manner, that it was with reluctance, that agents made 
their appearance in it, to solicit favours, or even to 
defend the lawful and natural rights of the subject. 
Propositions had been made to Connecticut of an- 
nexing them either to New- York or the Massachu- 
setts. In a letter, written with reference to the sub- 
ject, they prayed for the continuance of their privi- 
leges ; but if these might not be continued, to be 
annexed to the Massachusetts. This was judged a 
surrender of their charter. 

As the colony of New- Plymouth, had only a patent 
from the great Plymouth company, without powers 
of government from the king, their only support was 
his approbation. They acted therefore with great 
circumspection. They were in high favour with 
king Charles the second. After the conquest of 
Philip, he made a grant of mount Hope, the princi- 
pal seat of the Wampanoags to them, their heirs and 
successors for ever. They prayed for charter privi- 
leges similar to those of Connecticut ; and, from time 
to time, were amused with assurances, that his majes- 
ty would grant their petition. While his majesty 



172 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THt 

chap, was violently infringing the rights of the whole na- 
tion, and of the colonies in general, he was far 
1686. enough from granting such immunities to New- Plym- 
outh. All New-England was despoiled of her liber- 
ties and subjected to the despotic will of his majesty 
and his commissioners. After all the hardships and 
dangers they had endured in planting a wilderness, 
after all their expense of blood and treasure, they 
had no better security of life, liberty, or property, 
sir Ed- than the will of an unfeeling, bloody tyrant, 
mund An. gj r Edmund Andros, by commission from king 
ernour ° f James, was appointed governour of New-England. 
N.Eng. Just at the close of the year 1676, he arrived at Bos- 
rived Dec, ton ana< ^ s commission was made public on the day 
2oth,t686. of his arrival. At the beginning of his administra- 
tion the prospects were flattering. He made high 
professions of his regard for the public good, and 
gave directions to the judges to administer justice 
according to the former customs. However, it is 
well observed by governour Hutchinson, That 
" Nero concealed his tyrannical disposition more 
years, than Sir Edmund and his creatures did 
months. " Very soon a restraint was laid on the 
liberty of the press. One far more grievous still 
was laid on marriages. Marriage was prohibited, 
unless bonds were previously given, with sureties, 
His op- to tne governour ; which were to be forfeited, in 
pression. case there should afterwards appear to have been 
any lawful impediment. Magistrates only were suf- 
fered to join people in the bands of wedlock. The 
people were menaced, that their meeting houses 
should be taken from them, and that public wor- 
ship in the congregational way should not be tol- 
erated. Contrary to the wills of the proprietors, Sir 
Edmund used one of the meeting houses, in Boston, 
for the church service ; and threatened, if he should be 
refused, to shut up the doors, and to punish any man 
who should give two pence towards the support of 
a non-conformist minister.* The fees of all officers 

* Hutch, hist. vol. i. p. 355, 356: 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 173 

under this new administration were exorbitant. The chap. 
common fee for the probate of a will was fifty shil- IV " 
lings. The widow and fatherless, how distant soev- 1688 
er, were obliged to go to Boston to transact all busi- 
ness relative to the settlement of estates.* This was 
a grievous oppression of the widow and fatherless. 
But these were but the beginnings of oppression and 
sorrow. They soon had a wider spread and were 
greatly increased. 

The October after his arrival at Boston, Sir Ed- 
mund made a visit to Connecticut, demanded the char- 
ter, and assumed the government. The charter was 
brought and laid on the table ; but, all on a sudden, 
the lights were extinguished, the charter was carried 
off and secreted. The general assembly were sit- 
ting and closed their records in the manner follow- 
ing: " His excellency Sir Edmund Andros, Knight, Assumes 
captain general and governour of his majesty's territo- the gov- 
ries and dominions in New-Ensrland, by order from ernmentof 

i . . T i TT-' i • «» 13 i i o Connecti- 

his majesty James the II. king of England, Scot- cut, Oct. 
land, France, and Ireland, the 31st of October, 1687, 31 > 168 <- 
took into his hands the government of the colony of 
Connecticut, it being by his majesty annexed to the 
Massachusetts and other colonies under his excel- 
lency's command."t 

Having thus grasped the whole government of 
New- England, it was soon given out, that as the 
charters had been vacated, all titles to estates were 
become invalid. Not the fairest purchases of the 
soil from the natives, no dangers, labours, nor dis- 
bursements, in subduing and cultivating a wilder- 
ness, and turning it into orchards, gardens, and 
pleasant fields, no grants by charter, nor declarations 
of preceding kings, promising them the quiet en- 
joyment of their houses and lands, no expense of 
blood and treasure, nor fifty years quiet possession, 
were pleas of any validity with Sir Edmund and 
his creatures. The original purchasers and culti- 

* Hutch, hist. vol. i.p, 358. -}• Records ofConnecticutj vol. iiu 



174 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



chap, vators were obliged to make application to them, 
lv who had not the least title to the lands, for new pa- 
tents. For these, in some instances, they required 
a tee of fifty pounds. Writs of intrusion were 
brought against persons of principal character, who 
refused an application for new patents. Govern- 
our Hutchinson observes with reference to the Mas- 
sachusetts, that men's titles were not all questioned 
at once. Had this been the case, according to the 
computation then made, all the personal estate in the 
colony would not have paid the charge of the new 
patents.* At the same time, Sir Edmund, with four or 
live of his council only, imposed taxes on the people at 
pleasure. He and his courts also fined and impris- 
oned the inhabitants, in the most unjust and arbitra- 
ry manner. The selectman of Ipswich for voting 
" That, inasmuch, as it is against the privileges of 
English subjects to have money raised without their 
consent, in an assembly or parliament, therefore they 
would petition the king for liberty of an assembly 
before they make any rates," were imprisoned and 
fined some twenty, some thirty, and some fifty 
pounds, as the judges, instructed by Sir Edmund, 
saw fit to determine. f Some of the principal men 
in the Massachusetts were imprisoned for remon- 
strating, in an address against the taxes as a public 
grievance. The people were also denied the benefit 
of the act of habeas corpus. Under these lawless 
and cruel proceedings the most humble and loyal pe- 
Coionks titions were addressed to his majesty, from the colo- 
*h^fr°n V mes » fr° m towns an d corporate bodies, that he would 
quiet them in the possession of all property, both in 
houses and lands ; and, after praying for the privi- 
lege of assemblies until they found, that his majesty 
was determined that there should be no more assem- 
blies in New-England, they supplicated him, that 
the council might consist of such persons as should 
be considerable proprietors of lands, and that there 

* Hutch, hist. vol. i. p. 359. f Hutch, p. 365, 366. 



the king-. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 175 

might be one such in every county. As Sir Ed- chap. 
mund paid no attention to the majority of his coun- 1V " 
cil, but imposed such laws and taxes as he, and Ran- 1688 , 
dolph, and three or four more of the same character 
judged most for their purposes, they also prayed, 
that no acts might pass for law, but such as should 
be voted by the majority of the council. One of the 
petitions closeth in this suppliant language : " Royal 
Sir, we are a poor people, and have no way to 
procure money to defend our cause in the law, 
nor know we of friends at court, and therefore unto 
your royal majesty, as the public father of all your 
subjects, do we make this our humble address for 
relief, beseeching your majesty graciously to pass 
your royal act for the confirmation of your majesty's 
subjects here, in our possessions to us derived from 
our late governour and company of this your majes- 
ty's colony. We now humbly cast ourselves and 
the distressed condition of our wives and children at 
your majesty's feet, and conclude with that saying of 
queen Esther, If we perish, we perish." 

But in the reign of king James the second, neither 
the most reasonable and humble petitions from New, 
nor the warmest solicitations from Old England, 
were of any avail. Sir Edmund too well knew the 
disposition of his prince to fear any complaints or 
petitions, which might be exhibited against him. 
Matters were therefore carried with a hip-h hand. 
Randolph, in his letters, made his boast, " that they 
were as arbitrary as the great Turk." Massachu- 
setts was the principal seat of this despotism and 
suffering. The other colonies were less obnoxious. 
As Sir Edmund and his principal abettors had their 
residence chiefly at Boston, the other New-England 
colonies were much less under their inspection and 
influence. But there was in them all for more than 
two years, a total suppression of ail charter govern- 
ment. Their state was indeed distressful. Their 
enemies triumphed, and all probable means of relief 



175 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, failed them. Their case appeared as hopeless as it 
was distressing. But in the midst of darkness light 
1688. s P ran g up. While in vain they made their com- 
plaints and prayers to men, Providence wrought glo- 
riously for their and the nation's salvation. On the 
5th of November, 1688, the prince of Orange landed 
at Torbay, in England, and immediately published 
his declaration. A copy of it was received at Bos- 
ton the April following. The fire which had 
been long kindling now burst forth into a violent 

The eo- ^ ame * 

piefl> e to The people flew to arms, and possessed them- 
arms.take selves of the castle, of the fortifications in Boston, 
' id into an d the Rose frigate of forty guns, in which Sir Ed- 



munc 



custody mund had arrived from England. Sir Edmund, 
laS. 1181 * 1 ' Randolph, and such others of his council and abettors, 
as had made themselves most obnoxious, were tak- 
en into custody. The whole number consisted of 
fifty persons. The old magistrates were reinstated, 
while their haughty oppressors were committed to 
close confinement. When the people once more 
saw their former venerable governour Bradstreet 
among their rulers, they filled the air with their ac- 
clamations. The influence of the former magistrates 
was of absolute necessity to preserve the peace of 
the country. The people rushed into town in such 
heat and rage, as made all tremble for fear of the 
consequences. With difficulty it was, that the mag- 
istrates were able to satisfy the people without put- 
ting Sir Edmund in irons. But such was their ven- 
eration for those who had governed them in their 
better days, that through their influence no blood 
was shed, nor any considerable mischief done. Let- 
ters were immediately despatched to the other colo- 
nies acquainting them with the transactions at Boston. 
Connect!. On tne ^ tn °f May the colony of Connecticut re- 
cut and sumed their charter and government. About the 
Rhode isi- same time Rhode Island also resumed their charter, 

"il it 1 9.S • 

sumetheir and proceeded in their usual forms of government, 
charters. I n the Massachusetts the governour and magistrates 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. I77 

who had been chosen in 1686, at the desire of the chap. 
people, and for the conservation of their peace and IV ' 
safety, took on them the administration of govern- 1689 
ment agreeable to the charter, till there should be an 
orderly settlement of the government in England. 

King William and queen Mary were proclaimed 
in England the 13th of February, 1689. Advice of 
it was received at Boston on the 26th of the suc- 
ceeding May. Never were more joyful news re- 
ceived in New- England. The bands of oppression 
were loosed, the fears of the people subsided, and 
hope and joy brightened every countenance. The 
quo warrantos were judged to be illegal, and a vote 
passed the house of commons for the restoration of 
the charters. By a letter from his majesty, to the colo- 
ny of the Massachusetts they were authorized to ex- 
ercise government according to their ancient charter 
until a new one should be granted. At die same 
time an order was received, that Sir Edmund An- 
dros, Randolph, and others, who had been put under 
confinement, should be sent to England to answer 
for such misdemeanours as should be alleged 
against them.* 

Thus while the glorious revolution, by William 
and Mary, saved three kingdoms from popery and 
despotism, it brought an equal salvation to America. 
It is ever to be considered as a grand event, in prov- 
idence, by which the religion and liberties of the 
United States have been preserved. Its influence, 
doubtless has not been small in the late memorable 
revolution. Had James succeeded in his measures 
he would probably have established the religion of 
the Romish church and slavery, not only in England, 
but in the colonies. The colonists would have been 
reduced to such poverty and ignorance, and their 
spirits would have been so enslaved and broken, 
that they never would have enterprised the late rev- 
olution, nor have risen to their present importance 

* Hutch, hist. vol. i, p. 388, 390, 391. 

Vol. I. 23 



178 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, and glory. It was an era which our fathers saw 
» _ ' with great gladness and thanksgiving ; and it will 
ever • challenge the devout and grateful acknowl- 
edgements of their posterity. 



CHAPTER V. 

The first assembly in New York. King James' treatment of the col- 
ony. Leisler's usurpation. The settlement of New-Hampshire, and 
its separation from the Massachusetts. The settlement of Pennsyl- 
vania. The counties on the Delaware are become a distinct jurisdic- 
tion. Revolution in the Jerseys. Intrigue and corruption in the 
government of Carolina. Abuse of the French protestants. Estab- 
lishment of episcopacy, and persecution of the dissenters. 

Treat- DURING almost twenty years from the reduction 
ment of f New York the people were allowed no part in leg- 
ofNew P e islation or government. In 1681, the dissatisfaction 
York. f the colony became so great and universal, that the 
council, the court of assizes, and the corporation of 
New York made a joint application to the duke for a 
participation in the government. The duke, not- 
withstanding his peculiar aversion to assemblies, the 
next year, gave encouragement that he would allow 
them an assembly. In 1682 colonel Dungan was 
appointed governour. He had instructions for the 
calling of an assembly. This was to consist of a 
council of ten, and of a house of representatives, 
chosen by the freemen, consisting of eighteen mem- 
bers. The assembly was empowered, to enact laws 
for the people, agreeable to the general jurispru- 
dence of the realm of England. However, they 
were not to be of any force without the ratification 
of the proprietary. The views of the duke, in granting 
an assembly, were not for the advancement of pub- 
lic liberty and happiness ; but for his own private 
ends. He was in expectation, that the inhabitants, 
by this measure, would be induced to raise money 
for the discharge of the public debts, and provide 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 179 

such a fund in future as might be sufficient for the chap. 
maintenance of the garrison and the government. 
On the arrival of governour Dungan, in 1683, an 
assembly was convoked. As the people, then in- 
habiting the province, consisted of various nations, 
this assembly, to give them equal privileges, passed 
an act of general naturalization. Two other acts 
were also passed : one declarative of the liberties of 
the people ; and another for defraying, for a limited 
time, the necessary charges of government. The 
legislature was convened again the next year. These 
seem to have been the only assemblies convoked in 
New York before the revolution. 

No sooner was the duke made king of England 
than he refused to confirm the privileges, to which 
he had agreed in a humbler station. He once more 
reduced the province to the deplorable condition of 
a conquered people. With her sister colonies she 
felt the iron yoke of a despotic administration. 

Colonel Dungan, his governour, was a professed 
Roman catholic, and, under his countenance, pa- 
pists began to settle in the colony. The collector 
of the revenues and several principal officers threw 
off the mask and openly avowed their attachments 
to the Romish faith. A Latin school was set up un- 
der a teacher suspected to be a Jesuit. The whole Theirgen- 
colony began to tremble for the protestant cause. *™f jjj™ 
A general disaffection to the government prevailed siness. 
among the people. Before the arrival of gov- 
ernour Dungan the inhabitants on Long Island, 
who were principally from Connecticut, and 
had enjoyed the mild government of that colony till 
the reduction of New York, had been so disgusted 
with the government of colonel Nichols, as to threat- 
en the total subversion of the public tranquillity. 
To extinguish the fire of discontent, impatient to 
burst into a general flame, governour Dungan, on 
his first arrival, assured them, that no laws nor taxes 
should be imposed, for the future, but by a general 
assembly. But his sovereign soon after prohibiting as- 



180 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, semblies, they found their expectations disappointed, 



v. 



and they, with the people in general, became ripe for 
an immediate revolution. 

The news of the seizure of Sir Edmund Andros, at 
Boston, gave a spring to the general disaffection, and 
roused the people to action. Several captains of the 
militia convened at New York, to concert measures 
in favour of the prince of Orange. Among these 
Leisier's ^g m0 st active was Jacob Leisler. He possessed a 

usurpa- ip i • i 

tion. moderate fortune, and was m reputation among the 

people, but far from possessing those qualifications 
necessary for great and shining actions. Jacob Mil- 
born, his sonrin-law, directed all his counsels, while 
he held an absolute control over the officers. Their 
first plan was to seize the garrison. This was guard- 
ed every night by the militia, a circumstance entire- 
ly favourable to Leisier's designs. He entered it 
with about fifty men and determined to hold it for 
the prince till the whole militia should join him. 

Governour Dungan a little before this, had re- 
signed the government to Francis Nicholson, the 
lieutenant governour, and was embarked in the bay 
for England. The lieutenant governour, council, 
and civil officers vigorously opposed Leisler. This 
opposition, from gentlemen of principal figure in the 
colony, at first, made many of his friends fearful of 

?unel689 openly espousing his cause. But on the third of 
June, 1689, he was joined by six captains and four 
hundred men, in the city of New York, and by 
another company of seventy, from East Chester. 
These all signed a declaration, in which they mutu- 
ally covenanted to hold the fort for the prince of Or- 
ange. Nicholson and his party, finding themselves, 
unable to contend with such an opposition, abscond- 
ed, and Leisler took on him the supreme command. 
No sooner did he receive the news of William and 
Mary's accession to the throne, than he sent home 
an address to their majesties, representing the griev- 
ances of the people, the measures which they had 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. Jgl 

taken for their own security, and recognizing their chap. 
sovereignty over all the British dominions. 

Leisler's investiture of supreme power, and the 1689 
probability that his conduct would meet the appro- 
bation of his majesty, did not fail to excite the envy 
and jealousy of the council and magistrates, who re- 
fused to join in the glorious work of the revolution. 
Hence sprang up in them and all their party, a deep 
aversion to the man and all his measures. Colonel 
Bayard and the mayor of the city were at the head 
of the opposition. Finding it impossible to raise a 
party against him in New York, they soon retired to 
Albany and there employed all their influence to fo- 
ment the opposition. 

Leisler fearful of their influence, and to extin- 
guish all jealousy in the people, judged it expedient 
to admit several trusty persons to a participation 
with him, in that government which the militia had 
committed solely to himself. These were called a 
committee of safety. In conjunction with them, he 
exercised the government, assuming to himself 
no more than the honour of president in their coun- 
cils. 

Meanwhile the people at Albany determined to Conven- 
hold the garrison and city for king William inde- Albany 
pendent of Leisler. On the 26th of October they Oct. 26th. 
formed themselves into a convention for that purpose. 
They wrote a copy of their resolution, to a number 
of the principal gentlemen in New York, assuring 
them of their determination to maintain the garrison 
for the king, and that they would not admit any men 
from Leisler to command either in the garrison or 
city. As the people both of New York and Alba- 
ny had determined to hold their respective garrisons 
for king William, till his definitive orders should ar- 
rive, the great point was settled, and by whom they 
should be holden was of no considerable importance- 
To embroil the colony and sow the seeds of perpetu- 
al hatred and animosity, on so trifling a point was 
the height of madness. But such was the folly of 



132 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, both parties, that they were determined to dispute 
the point. This not only brought mischief on the 
1689. parties, but entailed great and lasting evils on the 
province. 

In December a letter arrived from the lords Car- 
marthen and Halifax, directed " To Francis Nichol- 
son, Esquire, or in his absence, to such as, for the 
time being, take care for preserving the peace and 
administering the laws, in their majesties province of 
New York, in America." This letter bore date the 
29th of July. It was accompanied with another, 
from lord Nottingham, which was written on the 
thirtieth. This vested Nicholson with the chief 
command, directing him to appoint as many of the 
principal freeholders and inhabitants for his assist- 
ants as he should judge expedient. It also requir- 
ed him " To do every thing appertaining to the office 
of lieutenant governour, according to the laws and 
customs of New York until further orders."* 

As the lieutenant governour was absconded, when 
these letters came to hand, Leisler considered them 
as directed to himself, and from this time took on 
him the title and authority of lieutenant governour. 
At the advice of the committee of safety he swore in 
a number of gentlemen for his council. 

All the southern part of the province, excepting 
the inhabitants of the eastern part of Long Island, 
now cheerfully submitted to his command. These 
inhabitants had no aversion to Leisler, nor were they 
in favour of any other party in the colony, but they 
wished for an incorporation with Connecticut, 
whence they had colonized, and the effects of whose 
free and happy government they had formerly expe- 
rienced. While they were privately soliciting Con- 
necticut to take them under her government, they 
gave Leisler such hopes of their submission as pre- 
vented his taking arms against them. As soon as 
they found that Connecticut declined a compliance 

* Smith's hist. New York, p. 60. 



m 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. lj" 

with their wishes, they openly espoused the cause of chap. 
Leisler. v " 

But as Albany held out against him, Milborn, his US9 
son-in-law was commissioned to reduce it to obedi- 
ence. On his arrival at Albany, great numbers of 
its inhabitants armed themselves and repaired to 
the fort. This was commanded by Mr. Schuyler. 
After haranguing the people, and finding that he 
could make no impressions by the arts of persuasion, 
Milborn, with about fifty men, advanced towards 
the fort. Schuyler was supported not only by the 
inhabitants, but by the Mohawks, who were then in 
Albany, and devoted to his service. It was with 
great difficulty, that he prevented either from firing 
on Milborn and his party. Milborn, perceiving his 
critical situation, retreated and soon left Albany. 169 °- 
But taking a more favourable opportunity, the next 
spring, when that part of the country were distress- 
ed, by an irruption of the French and Indians, he 
carried his point. No sooner was he master of the 
garrison, than most of the principal members of the 
convention absconded. Mr. Livingstone a princi- 
pal agent for the convention retired into Connecticut, 
to solicit the aid of that colony for the protection of 
the frontiers against the French and Indians. The 
effects of the members of the convention were arbi- 
trarily seized and confiscated. This so highly exas- 
perated the sufferers, that their posterity can hardly 
speak of those troubles without the bitterest in- 
vectives against Leisler and all his adherents. 

On the 19th of March, 1691, colonel Sloughter Govr. 
arrived at New York, in the capacity of the king's sioug-hter 
governour. Though he had been commissioned the March 
preceding year, and Leisler had sufficient informa- I9th,i69i. 
tion of his appointment, yet such was his intoxica- 
tion with the love of power, that instead of congrat- 
ulating the governour on his arrival and conciliating 
his favours, he refused to surrender the fort to him, 
or to release the lieutenant governour Nicholson and 
colonel Bayard, whom he there held in imprison- 



184 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. ment. These imprudent measures at once ruined his 

__ influence. From this moment, the governour be- 

1691 came his enemy and joined the party against him. 
He soon abandoned the fort and the governour im- 
mediately took possession. Nicholson and Bayard 
were released from their confinement and sworn of 
his privy council. Leisler, Milborn, and many of 
their adherents were apprehended. A commission 
of oyer and terminer issued to Sir Thomas Robin- 
son, colonel Smith, and others for their trials. 
Trial of In vain did they plead the merit of their zeal and 
andMU- serv i ces f° r king William, after they had been mad 
bom. enough to oppose his governour. In vain did Leis- 
ler plead, that the letters he had received authorized 
him to act in the quality of lieutenant governour. 
Something very singular appears both in his trial 
and execution. The judges were so far from giving 
their opinion on that part of his defence, which re- 
spected the letters received from their lordships, 
that they referred it to the governour and council, 
Whether the letter from lord Nottingham, " or any 
other letters or papers, in the packet from White- 
Hall" could " be understood, or interpreted, to be 
and contain, any power, or direction to captain Leis- 
ler, to take the government of this province upon 
himself, or that the administration thereupon be 
holden good in law?" This was putting the prison- 
ers, at once, into the power of their implacable ene- 
mies, heated with resentment for recent injuries. The 
Their con- answer was in the negative. Leisler and his son 
demnation were condemned to death for high treason. Even 
treason tn * s ^id not sat ^ s fy tne enemies of these unhappy 
men. They felt themselves so deeply interested in 
their destruction, that they pressed the governour to 
order their immediate execution. The governour 
fearful of the consequences of such violent measures 
against men, who had so vigorously appeared for the 
king and so signally contributed to the revolution, 
chose rather to defer their execution. When there- 
fore they found that the governour, by fair means, 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 135 

could not be persuaded into a compliance with their 
wishes, they, on design, invited him to a sumptu- 
ous feast ; and, when his reason was drowned in his 
cups, prevailed with him to sign their death warrant. 
Before he recovered his senses, the prisoners were Execti« 
executed.* These violent measures, drove many tion - 
of the warm friends of the revolution, into the neigh- 
bouring colonies. This was so detrimental to the 
province, that it was found necessary, soon after, to 
pass an act of general indemnity. The province 
nevertheless was thrown into violent parties, which 
for many years, greatly injured its general peace and 
prosperity. 

The revolution however restored to them, in com- 
mon with their fellow subjects the natural rights of 
Englishmen. Governour Sloughter convoked an Constitu- 
assembly which met on the 9th of April, 1691. ^ewYd Is 
This among other acts formed a constitution, or de- April, 
claration of rights, which began their provincial code. l691 - 
The principal articles were for substance, That the 
kings of England only are invested with the right of 
ruling this colony ; and that none can exercise any 
authority over this province, but by the king's imme- 
diate authority under the broad seal of the realm of 
England : That the supreme legislative power and 
authority, under the king, shall be in the governour, 
council, and representatives of the people in general 
assembly :f That the exercise and administration of 
the government shall be in the governour and coun- 
cil, with the consent, at least, of five of the council ; 
to govern according to the laws of the province, or 
in defect of them, by the laws of England : That 
every year an assembly should be holden: That 
during the sessions the representatives may adjourn 
themselves and purge their own house. It was also 
declared, that the laws of the assembly should con- 
tinue in force, till disallowed by his majesty, or till 

* Smith's hist. New York, p. 72. 
f Before this time it had been matter of dispute whether the col- 
ony had any right to an assembly. 

Vol. I. 24 



186 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

the time of their expiration. All trials were to be 
by the verdict of twelve men of the neighbourhood, 
and every man to be judged by his peers. No tax 
or imposition might be laid, but by the general as- 
sembly. No freeman, tavern-keepers excepted, might 
be compelled to entertain any soldier or manner, un- 
less in times of actual war. All lands in the province 
were to be accounted as freehold, and inheritance in 
free and common soccage, according to the tenure 
of East Greenwich in England. All christians, 
Roman Catholics excepted, behaving peaceably, 
were to enjoy a free toleration.* 

While the old colonies had been deprived of their 
natural and charter rights, and were grievously suf- 
fering under the heavy hand of despotism, New- 
Hampshire was made a distinct jurisdiction. The 
settlement of some parts of it was almost as early as 
the settlement of New-Plymouth. Sir Ferdinando 
Gorges and captain John Mason, who were both mem- 
bers of the great council of Plymouth, men of singu- 
lar activity and enterprise, obtained several patents 
of part, or of the whole of New-Hampshire. As 
New. 8 ° early as 1621, captain Mason obtained a grant, from 
iiamp- the council of Plymouth, of all the land from the riv- 
Blure * er Naumkeag, since called Salem, round Cape Ann 
to the river Merrimack ; thence up each of those 
rivers to the furthest head of it ; thence running from 
the head of the one to the head of the other ; with all 
the islands within three miles of the coast. The next 
year a grant was made to Gorges and Mason jointly, 
of all the lands between the rivers Merrimack and Sa- 
gadehock, running back to the great lakes and river 
of Canada. Under the authority of this latter grant, 
the grantees, in conjunction with several London, 
Bristol, Exeter, Plymouth, and other merchants, at- 
tempted the establishment of a fishery and colony on 
its settle- the river Piscataqua. In the spring of 1623, David 
menti623. Thompson, Edward and William Hilton, with num- 

* Douglass, vol. ii. p. 251, 252. King William about six years af- 
ter repealed this law or declaration, 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 187 

bers of other people, furnished with all necessaries chap. 
for a plantation, were sent over to accomplish the 
design. They consisted of two companies and made M . lv 17th 
two different settlements. One company landed on 1639. 
the southern shore, at the river's mouth, erected salt 
works and the house termed Mason-Hall. The Hil- 
tons, with their company, planted themselves eight 
miles above, on a neck of land since named Dover. 

Sometime after a number of scattered planters in 
the Massachusetts desirous of making a plantation, 
within the limits of the former grants, made a pur- 
chase of the Indians of " all that part of the main 
land bounded by the river Piscataqua and the river Mer- 
rimack, to begin at Newickwannock lulls, in Piscata- 
qua river aforesaid, and down said river to the sea. 
and all along the sea-shore to Merrimack river; and 
up said river to the falls at Pantucket ; and from 
thence upon a north west line twenty English miles 
into the woods : and from thence upon a straight line 
north east, till it meet with the main rivers that run 
down to Pantucket falls, and Newickwannock falls 
aforesaid ; the said rivers to be the bounds from the 
thwart or head line to the aforesaid falls, and from 
thence the main channel of each river to the sea to 
be the side bounds ; together with all the islands 
within the said bounds ; as also the isles of Shoals 
so called." The Indian conveyance was made to 
the Reverend John Whelewrith, Augustin Stor- 
er, Thomas Wight, William Went worth, and Thom- 
as Leavit. Whelewrith was obliged by the condi- 
tions, within ten years to begin a plantation at Squam 
scot falls. 

The same year Mason obtained a new patent, un- 
der the common seal of the council of Plymouth, of 
the land " from the middle of Piscataqua river, and 
up the same to the farthest head thereof, and from 
thence north westward until sixty miles from the 
mouth of the harbour were finished, also through 
Merrimack river to the farthest head thereof, and so 
forward up into the land westward, until sixty miles 



f 
188 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, were finished ; and from thence to cross over land 
to the end of sixty miles accounted from Piscataqua 
river ; together with all islands within five leagues of 
the coast." This tract comprehended the whole of 
Whelewrith's purchase, and was called New Hamp- 
shire.* 

The same lands, and much more, had been con- 
veyed, in prior grants, to Mason and Gorges. The 
only reason therefore of this grant, seems to have 
been, either to frustrate Whelewrith, or because the 
other grants, either having not been witnessed or not 
sealed, were considered as having no validity in 
law.f 

In 1638 Mr. Whelewrith, who had been banished 
from the Massachusetts, on account of his antino- 
mian tenets, with his adherents, began the settle- 
Govern- ment of Exeter. By voluntary compact they form- 
ibrmed b eo - themselves into a body politic, chose their rulers 
voluntary and exercised government among themselves. The 
compact. same year Hampton was settled, principally by peo- 
ple from Norfolk in England. They were nearly 
sixty in number, and had for their ministers Messrs. 
Stephen Belcher and Timothy Dal ton. 
1640. Two years after, the inhabitants of Dover and 

Portsmouth, after the example of Exeter, formed 
themselves into a body politic, binding themselves 
to submit to the laws of England and such others as 
a majority of their number should enact. Another 
voluntary government was formed at Kittery on the 
north side of the river. But these governments 
were but of short duration. The people were so di- 
vided in opinion, so factious, and the government 
was so weak, that they were soon convinced that it 
afforded no prospect of permanent utility. The 
most discerning among them therefore wished to be 
under the protection and government of the Massachu- 
setts. A treaty was concluded by which the part- 
pers of the two patents resigned the jurisdiction of 

* Belknap's hist. p. 12, 13, 14. f Hutch. Hist. vol. i. p. 113. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 189 

the whole to the Massachusetts. Their junction chap. 
with the Massachusetts was the more agreeable to 



that colony, by reason of a certain construction put Dissolve 
upon their charter limits, by which New Hampshire ami unite 
was included in them. A line drawn from east to JJjjJiJ" 
west at the distance of "three miles to the northward chuBetts, 
of Merrimack river and of any and every part J, p j' ,1 1641 
thereof" will comprehend the whole of New Hamp- 
shire and most of the province of Maine. But in 
1679 the four towns of Dover, Portsmouth, Exeter, 
and Hampton, were adjudged by his majesty in 
council to be within captain Mason's claim. 

The same year a commission was issued by his Separa- 

« T T , ,. l- • tion Iron i 

majesty constituting New Hampshire a distinct gov- t j K . Mas- 
ernment. The commission appointed John Cut, uachusetta 
Esquire, the first president of the province. The assembly. 
first assembly in New Hampshire was in March March 
1680. The assembly consisted of the president and 16lh > 1680 
council, appointed by the crown, and of eleven rep- 
resentatives from the four towns. By the commis- 
sion the president might nominate his deputy and have 
the assistance of nine counsellors. The continuance Constitu- 
of an assembly was during his majesty's pleasure, till, tlon - 
by inconvenience arising from it, he or his heirs 
should see cause to make an alteration. All laws 
were to be approved by the president and council, 
and then to be in force till disapproved by his maj- 
esty, who had the prerogative of disannulling them 
at pleasure.* 

The president and council all belonged to the The sepa. 
province, and were gentlemen of principal figure and atrceabk 
influence among the people ; but the separation from 
the Massachusetts was notwithstanding disagreeable 
to themselves and to the people in general. Under 
the government of the Massachusetts, for almost 
forty years, they had enjoyed the privilege of 
choosing their own rulers, and great harmony and 
satisfaction, in an impartial and faithful government ; 

* Belknap's hist. vol. i- p. 170, 172. 



190 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 
V. 

1680. 



and they wished to continue in the enjoyment of the 
same privileges, possessed by the other colonies in 
New-England. The president and council were 
men of too much discernment not to discover, that 
their appointment was not from any respect to them, 
or favourable designs to the people, but only to give 
a more facile introduction to a new mode of govern- 
ment. This they knew was to serve particular pur- 
poses, and would be a source of embarrassment and 
distress. It was therefore, with great reluctance, 
that they received and acted under their new com- 
missions. They found themselves under an una- 
voidable necessity of acting under them, to prevent 
the appointment of others to the government, who 
were entirely inimical to the province and to the 
country in general. It was to a small, discontented 
party, only, that the change of government was any 
real gratification. 

On the meeting of the assembly they took care 
to express their sentiments relative to the change of 
government, to assert their just rights, and form a 
good system of laws. A letter was addressed to the 
general court of the Massachusetts, with acknowl- 
edgments of the kindness of that colony, in the pro- 
tection and good government which they had experi- 
enced under their jurisdiction. It assured them, 
that their compliance with the present separation, 
was so far from being agreeable to their own wishes, 
that it was merely in submission to divine Providence 
and his majesty's commands. The first law which 
the assembly enacted evinces, that it possessed the 
same idea of the rights of freemen, which had been 
generally entertained by all the assemblies in the sis- 
ter colonies. It appeared not only to possess senti- 
ments worthy of freemen, but courage, even in the 
reign of Charles the second, to make an explicit de- 
claration of them. The law was, " That no act, im- 
position, law, or ordinance, should be made or impos- 
ed upon them, but such as should be made by the 
assembly and approved by the president and coun- 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



191 



cil." But neither this nor any other law, could se- chap. 
cure the liberties of the people under an arbitrary v - 
prince, and the government of men of the same un- 
just and arbitrary spirit. In about two years the change of 
government was entirely changed. By the artifice govern- 
of Mason, and to serve his purposes, Edward Cran- mei 
field was appointed lieutenant governour and com- 
mander in chief of New Hampshire. To effect this 
Mason surrendered to the king one fifth of the quit- J an « 25tk - 
rents which should become due on his lands, which 
he secured to his majesty by a deed enrolled in the 
court of chancery. These quitrents, with the fines and 
forfeitures, which had arisen to the crown, since the 
establishment of the province, and which might after- 
ward arise, were appropriated to the support of the 
governour. As they were sensible this was but 
a precarious foundation, Mason mortgaged the 
whole province to Cranfield for twenty one years, 
as a security for the payment of one hundred and 
fifty pounds annually for the term of seven years. 
Cranfield's commission, which bore date the 9th of 
May, vested him with powers of calling, adjourning, 
proroguing, and dissolving general courts ; of nega- 
tiving all acts of government, of suspending any of 
his council, of appointing a deputy governour, 
judges, and all officers, by his sole authority. He 
had also the powers of vice admiralty.* Mason was 
appointed one of the council. Most of the former 
council were appointed with him. The sole design Design of 
of these novel powers was to facilitate the entry of this c 
Mason upon the lands, which others held by virtue chan £ e - 
of grants from the same authority, by which he 
claimed ; who had made fair purchases of the orig- 
inal Indian proprietors, had at their sole labour and 
expense subdued a wilderness, defended their fami- 
lies and estates against a savage enemy, and main- 
tained their possession more than half a century. 
His majesty seems, in effect, to have received a 

* Belknap's hist. p. 188—193. 



192 - HISTORY [ 

bribe in favour of Mason. The governour's 
port depended on putting Mason in possession of the 
rovince, at the expense of justice, mercy, and all 
the designs of good government. If he failed in this 
grand object he lest his support, and his ;he 

qu:::.:> of one fifth of the lands. He was clothed 
with powers for such an extraordinary purpose ; and 
he made no secret of his design, to enrich himself 
by accepting the government. Within six days 
after fa . he susf ^r.dedtwo of the old counsel- 

: - • lors. Xot long after he suspended a third and dis- 

P ^y * solved the assembly, because they did not comply 
with his wishes. In a short time others were sus- 
pended and the whole council modelled according to 
his pleasure.* 

r - .-—-;• The governour, by ad' zrtisemc . called upon the 
inhabitants to take out leases from Mason, or he 
should certify the refusal to his majesty. Having 
filled the judicial courts with officers, who wc 
favour his designs, suits were then instituted agai 
all the principal landholders in the province. As the 
jurors were all interested persons, and as the cause 
ought to have been determined by his majesty, and 
not by a jury, they universally declined to make any 
.-fence. Judgm^ s universal against 

them. Cranfield did not stop here, but taxed the 
people without their consent, and rd legisla- 

tive powers. He it back the salaries of the min- 
istry : not onlv such as were due after, but c 
before, he came into the government. He threaten- 
ed them with six months imprisonment for not ad- 
ministering the sacrament according to the liturgy. 

c.-.t'.v He re -.".:: Mood] I Portsmouth to 

- administer the sacrament to himself and hers 

CJ ' ' according :: . . liturgy : and on his refusal he or- 
". .-red a prosecution against him. By undue influ- 
ence with the : Jtained a sentence against 
hir nprisonment, without bail or 

:„toLL p. 19G. 



L SITED STATES OJ :A 

mainprize.* By said judgment his benefice was CHA ** 

declared to be forfeited to the crown. Nothing " 

could have been a more direct violation of libertv. yg^ 
of conscience, of law, or reason. Mr. Moodv was 
not episcopally ordained, and therefore could" not, 
without an open violation of law, administer the sa- 
crament according to that mode. He received no 
maintenance by virtue of the of England : 

and besides, the king's commissior. . liberty of 

conscience to all protestants. and the governour, by 
his commission, was obliged to protect their, 
undisturbed enjoyment. Bes rse violences, 

Cr^nfield imprisoned the inhabitants without law, or 
any just cause; exacted exorbitant charges, and 
d ventured to alter the value of silver monev. 
Under these grievous oppressions, the people d 
patched an agent, with complaints against him, to 
his ms jesty. On a hearing before the lords of trade, lfi85 - 
March 10th. 1685, then lordships reported to his 
majesty, "Thai Cranfidd had not pursued his in- 
structions with regard to Mason's controversv ; | 
instead thereof had caused courts to be held and ti- 
- to be dec;: and that 

r.ad exceeded his power in regulating the value 
of coins." He had the year before suspended Ma- 
son'- suits till the question respecting the legalitv of 
the courts should be decided. By the report of the. 
lords of trade, these were determined not to be agree- 
able to his instructions. His majesty extepted the 
report. The great controversy therefore, between 
Mason and the inhabitants of the province, remained 
in the same state of suspense and uncertainty, in 
which it was, when Crannc is appointed to the 

gc^ :. After all his artifice and oppression, 

he was baffled in all his prospects, and totally disap- 
pointed with respect to the gains which he expected. 
\fterhf was certified of l -rmination ©f his 

V"i. I. 35 



194 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, majesty he embarked privately for the West In- 
dies. 
1684. The next year Sir Edmund Andros arrived and 
began his administration of government, under whose 
rapacious conduct New Hampshire had her share of 
sufferings with her sister colonies. 

Nearly at the same time that the four towns of 
Dover, Portsmouth, Exeter, and Hampton were ad- 
judged to be within captain Mason's claim, the prov- 
ince of Maine, by an adjudication of the king in 
council, was confin. Q d, both as to soil and jurisdic- 
tion, to the heirs of bir Ferdinando Gorges. For 
the silencing of future disputes and the gratification 
of the inhabitants of the province, the Massachusetts 
employed John Usher to purchase the right of the 
said heirs. He effected the purchase for twelve hun- 
dred pounds sterling, and made a consignment of it 
The prov- to the governour and company.* In the charter of 
Maine William and Mary, granted 1691, it was confirmed 
and New to the Massachusetts. By the same charter, the col- 
n?co^po- th on y °f New Plymouth was also incorporated with 
rated with that province. Dr. Increase Mather, who was agent 
Massa- f or t j ie Massachusetts, and indefatigable in his la- 
bours for the welfare of New- England, finding that it 
was put into a charter then preparing for New- York, 
by his influence, procured the erasement of it from 
that, and its annexation to the Massachusetts. Thus, 
this ancient colony, after planting herself by such 
exertions, industry, harmony, and fortitude, as rare- 
ly find a parallel in the history of man, after an exhi- 
bition of the most striking example of piety and 
brotherly love, and after she had by mere voluntary 
compact, for more than seventy years, maintained 
an orderly and effective government, became only a 
county in the province of the Massachusetts. 

While a new province had made its appearance in 
the northern extremities of New- England, another 
was forming in a more central situation. Mr. Will- 

* Hutch, vol. i. p. 312. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. J95 

iam Penn who had been employed in the purchase chap. 
and settlement of West New Jersey, while negotiat- 
ing those matters, became accurately acquainted 
with the country west of the Delaware, and conceiv- 
ed the plan of settling the province of Pennsylvania. 
In 1680, he preferred a petition to king Charles II. 
representing, that he was son to admiral Penn, and 
that there was a large debt due to him when the ex- 
chequer was closed : That he should, in time, be 
able to settle a province, which might repay his 
claims, and serve the national interests: and, for 
these purposes, humbly praying for a patent. This 
passed the seals March 4th, 1681. It bore a near Penn's pa- 
resemblance to the charter of Maryland, and made a t . e " t **^; h 

r , ,, , . .* , ... 4th, 1681. 

conveyance 01 both ample territories and privileges. 
This conveyance greatly encroached on the patent 
both of Maryland and Connecticut. Both these pa- 
tents were older, by half a century, than Mr. Penn's, 
and on each of the territories which they conveyed 
there had been made very considerable settlements. 
As the patents were construed, that of Mr. Penn en- 
croached on the territory granted to lord Baltimore 
one whole degree, or sixty nine English miles and 
a half. It granted a tract of country on the north- 
ern part about 290 miles across the whole territory 
conveyed in the ancient patent, fifty years before to 
Connecticut. These encroachments occasioned 
long and expensive disputes between these colonies 
with respect to boundaries. Two other conveyances Grant of 
were made to Mr. Penn by the duke of York. lhe Coun- 
One was a bill of sale of New Castle, and a territory j53JT 
of twelve miles round it, August 24th, 1683. The ware, 
other was a bill of the same date granting to Mr. 1683 ' 
Penn a tract south of the former as far as Cape 
Henlopen. These two deeds made a grant of the 
whole state of Delaware. The territory conveyed 
by these and the charter extends from Cape Henlo- 
pen to the 43d degree of north latitude, about 160 
miles in breadth ; and west, from the Delaware, 5 de- 
grees, 288 miles in length. As the lines have since 



J96 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, been settled, they comprise a territory of 44,900 
square miles. The reasons of this ample grant to 
Mr. Penn are represented in the charter. It is 
said to be given with regard to the memory and 
merits of his father, Sir William Penn, in divers ser- 
vices; particularly, in his courage and conduct, 
under the Duke of York, in the sea fight against the 
Dutch in 1665. That it was for the enlargement 
and benefit of the English empire, and by gentle and 
just manners to reduce the savage natives to the 
love of civil society and the christian religion.* 

The patent made provision for the preservation of 
the king's sovereignty, and for the observation of 
the acts of parliament respecting commerce, nav- 
igation, and customs. It vested the proprietary and 
governour with powers for assembling the freemen, 
or their delegates, in such manner as he should judge 
most convenient: for the levying of monies and 
enacting of all such laws, as should be for the bene- 
fit of the province, not repugnant to the laws of Eng- 
DifTer- l an d nor the rights of the kingdom. There were 
ence be- two remarkable differences between Mr. Penn's and 
t)^ e ? d all the other colonial patents. It subjected the colo- 
the other ny to parliamentary taxation, and contained no ex- 
patents. p re ss stipulation that the inhabitants should be con- 
sidered as English subjects, born within the realm 
of England. It is said, that the lawyers judged that 
such stipulations were inferred by law, and conse- 
quently were nugatory. It seems therefore, that, in 
their opinion, the right of parliamentary taxation in 
the colonies, could not have been inferred by law, 
otherwise the making of express provision for that 
would have been also equally nugatory. In May, 
1681, the proprietary despatched one Markham, with 
a small number of emigrants to take possession of his 
country and make preparations for a more numerous 
settlement. For the encouragement and security of 
those who were willing to emigrate, the proprietary 

* Colden's Hist. vol. ii. p. 164. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 197 

made various concessions relative to the location of chap. 
their lands and the laying out of high ways, towns, 
and cities. These also secured to the purchasers 
the waters, woods, quarries, and mines within their 
respective purchases. It was stipulated, that the 
laws respecting " slanders, drunkenness, cursing, 
pride in apparel, trespasses, distresses, replevins, 
weights and measures shall be the same as in Eng- 
land, till altered by law in this province." That 
within three years after the grant of it every thous- 
and acres should settle one family. In this instru- 
ment, provision was also made for the peace of the 
settlers by a just and amicable treatment of the na- 
tives. It was agreed that all commerce with them 
should be in a public market : That no abuse or 
wrong should be done to them : That whoever should 
injure one of them, should suffer the same penalty, 
as if the injury had been done to a fellow planter : 
and that all differences between them and the plant- 
ers shall be decided by twelve men, six of whom 
were to be planters and the other six natives.* 

But the proprietary found something more than 
mere concessions necessary, that even friends might 
be induced to emigrate with him to the new world. 
They insisted on charter rights and privileges. He 
therefore published a charter, or frame of gov- Frame of 
ernment, providing, that the government should mentAprii 
be in a provincial general assembly, consisting 25th, 1682. 
of the governour, a provincial council and gen- 
eral assembly. The provincial council were to 
consist of seventy two counsellors, chosen by the 
freemen, twelve out of each county. The general 
assembly was to consist of delegates, chosen by the 
freemen, not exceeding two hundred. By this pro- 
vincial council and assembly all laws were to be 
enacted, officers appointed, and public affairs trans- 
acted. The proprietary and governour, or his dep- 
uty was always to preside, and to have a treble voice. 

* Colden's Hist. vol. ii. p. 207—212. 



198 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



Funda- 
mental 
laws of 
Pennsyl- 
vania, 
May 5th, 
1682. 



chap. All bills were to be prepared and deliberated upon, 
courts erected, and officers appointed by the provin- 
cial council. This was also vested with the whole 
executive power. The general assembly, or two 
hundred deputies had the power ol passing or nega- 
tiving the bills prepared by the council.* The 
enacting style was, "By the governour, with the as- 
sent and approbation of the freemen in provincial 
council and general assembly."! 

Besides certain fundamental laws were made and 
agreed upon, in London, between the proprietary 
and the freemen, of which there was to be no altera- 
tion without the consent of the governour, his heirs 
or assigns, and six parts of seven of the freemen, 
met in provincial council and general assembly. 
These confirmed the charter given to the freemen by 
Mr. Penn. They ordained, that all who should pay 
scot and lot to the government, profess faith in Christ, 
and were not of ill fame, should be freemen and ca- 
pable of sustaining all offices in the province : That 
all persons in the province, who should acknowl- 
edge one Almighty Eternal God, Creator, Upholder 
and Ruler of the world, and hold themselves obliged, 
in conscience, to live peaceably and justly in society, 
should in no ways be molested, or prejudiced for 
their religious persuasion or practice, in matters of 
faith and worship, nor be compelled, at any time, to 
frequent, or maintain any religious worship, place, or 
minister whatsoever : that every first day of the week 
people shall abstain from their common labours : 
" That no money or goods be raised upon, or paid 
by any of the people of this province, by way of 
public tax or contribution, but by a law for that pur- 
pose made ; and whosoever shall levy, collect, or pay, 
any money or goods contrary thereto shall be held a 
public enemy to the province, and a betrayer of the 

* See the frame of government at large in Colden's History, vol. ii« 
p. 187, 197, 204. 

f Douglass, vol. ii. p. 300. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 199 

liberties thereof:" That all courts shall be open, chap. 
and justice shall neither be sold, denied, nor delay- 
ed. They made provision for trials by a jury of the 1682 
vicinage, and that all fees and fines should be moder- 
ate : That all prisoners, except in capital cases, 
should be bailable on sufficient sureties : That all 
persons wrongfully imprisoned, or prosecuted at law, 
shall have double damages against the inform- 
er or prosecutor : That no person shall enjoy more 
than one public office at the same time : That seven 
years quiet possession shall give an unquestionable 
right, except in cases of infants, lunatics, married 
women, and persons beyond sea. To promote chas- 
tity and population, they ordained, that all marriages 
not prohibited by the divine law should be encour- 
aged : That before the solemnization the parties 
should be published, and that the solemnization 
should be before credible witnesses. For the pre- 
vention of idleness, the support of individuals, and 
the public emolument, they required, that all chil- 
dren should have some useful trade or skill.* 

These fundamental laws do honour to the compil- 
ers, as statesmen, christians, and friends to the liber- 
ties and happiness of mankind. 

The proprietary having given these encourage- 
ments and securities, a large body of friends, with 
some people of other denominations, engaged in 
making an immediate settlement of his province. 
On the 24th of October, he arrived on the banks of the 
Delaware, with about two thousand planters. These 
were principally quakers. On his arrival he found 
three thousand inhabitants on the river, consisting of 
Swedes, Finlanders, Dutch, and English. These, 
in distinction from the parts of the province included 
in the charter, were termed the territories. Imme- 
diately on his arrival he entered into a treaty, and 
settled an amicable correspondence with the natives. 
Such purchases were made of them as he judged 

* Colden's Hist. vol. ii p. 207, 212. 



200 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

c hap. necessary for his purpose. He began his principal 
settlement at Philadelphia, the capital of the prov- 
es, ince. He convened his first assembly at Chester, 
Act otset- the December following. By an instrument termed, 
Chester. al A° act of settlement, made at Chester, 1682, a con- 
siderable alteration was made, in the frame of gov- 
ernment, agreed upon by Mr. Perm. Seventy 
two members only, were returned from the prov- 
ince and territories; twelve for each county into 
which they had been divided. The freemen and 
sheriffs represented, That the fewness of the 
people, their inability in estate, and unskilfulness 
in government, would not permit them to serve 
in so large a council and assembly, as by charter was 
expressed. They therefore prayed that out of the 
twelve deputies, chosen for each county, three might 
serve for the provincial council, and nine for the 
general assembly ; and that these numbers might be 
allowed and taken, to all intents and purposes, for 
the provincial council and general assembly of the 
province. This was granted, and the charter, with 
the alterations made by the act of settlement, was 
declared to be thankfully received, and the council 
and assembly bound themselves to an observance of 
its principles. Mr. Penn, however was not pleased 
with his own scheme of government. He altered it 
the very next year. Though it was so modelled, as 
that the governour with one third of the council re- 
siding with him, should, from time to time, have 
the care and management of all public affairs relat- 
ing to the peace, justice, and improvement of the 
province and territories, yet, with the freemen, it ob- 
tained an easy reception. It promised more in ap- 
pearance than it really gave. Like the famous Mr. 
Locke's it was found by experience too complex and 
perplexing either for utility or convenience. Great 
discontent, and heavy complaints and charges against 
the proprietary, warm contests, and animosities be- 
tween the council and the assembly arose under it, 
which were of long continuance. In less than twenty 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 201 

years it was given up, and a new plan of govern- chap. 
ment introduced. 

A variety of circumstances combined their influ- 168 ^ 
ence to give this province a rapid population and set- Reasons 
tlement. The fertility of the soil, the goodness of of ^"JjJ 
the climate, its central situation in the colonies, the popula- 
civil and religious liberties, which the charter and tlon - 
fundamental laws held out to men of all religious de- 
nominations, the persecution of protestants in Eu- 
rope, the civil and religious tyranny which distracted 
the nation in the reign of Charles the second, and 
especially of James, his successor, all united their in- 
fluence to cause men of all nations, and of all denom- 
inations of christians, to flow into Pennsylvania. 
There was sometimes, in a single year, an importa- 
tion into the province of five or six thousands of peo- 
ple of various nations.* The intolerance and divis- 
ions of some of the sister colonies also contributed 
to the numbers, cultivation, and opulence of this 
flourishing province. These circumstances have 
brought together such a collection of different na- 
tions and sectaries in Pennsylvania, as, perhaps, can- 
not be found in any other part of America. At the 
same time they have made Philadelphia, in point of 
numbers, wealth, and improvement the capital of the 
United States. 

There are some singularities in the history of this singulari- 
province. Though it was strongly enforced, yet t! . es in the 
there was never a communication of the fundamental pennsvi" 
laws, frame of government, nor of any other of the vania. 
laws of the province to his majesty for his approba- 
tion. Such were the attachments of the proprietary 
to James the. II. and so warm were the contests be- 
tween the council and the assembly, that neither 
seem to have paid any attention to the revolution, 
which transferred their allegiance and the govern- 
ment to William and Mary. . The laws and govern- 
ment of the province were administered in the name 

* Douglass, vol. ii. p. 326. 

Vox.. I. 26 



202 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, of the abdicating monarch, long after their accession 
to the throne, and after a formal proclamation 
1692. °f ft m tne otner colonies. In consequence of these 
attachments to king James, Mr. Penn fell under the 
imputation of being a Roman catholic and Jesuit, un- 
der the mask of a quaker. William and Mary view- 
ed him as an inveterate enemy to the protestant suc- 
cession, excepted him from their acts of grace, and 
suspended him from the privilege of appointing a 
deputy for Pennsylvania. By the same commission 
colonel Fletcher was appointed governour both of 
New York and Pennsylvania.* In his commission 
no regard seems to have been had to the original con- 
stitution of the province. The assembly were not 
constitutionally convoked by the governour, but con- 
siderably curtailed with respect to their numbers. 
No sooner therefore were they convened, than they 
unanimously resolved, "That the laws of this prov- 
ince, which were in force and practice, before the 
arrival of this present governour are still in force : 
1696. and that the assembly have a right humbly to move 
the governour for a continuation or confirmation of 
the same." So inflexible were the determinations 
of this and subsequent assemblies, for the security 
of their rights, that no arts nor influence of govern- 
ours could effect an alteration. 

Mr. Penn had the address to vindicate his charac- 
ter, and to conduct his affairs to such advantage in 
the court of William and Mary, that, in 1696, he 
obtained a restoration of his former privileges. In 
1699 he came a second time into America. On his 
arrival he found that there was great complaint and 
disaffection under his government. The assembly 
insisted on better security both with respect to prop- 
erty and privileges. His answers were evasive and 
gave the colonists no satisfaction. They therefore 
pressed him for a new charter of ampler rights and 
better securities. This produced his third charter, 

* Douglass, vol. ii. p. 343. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 203 

October 28th, 1701. This differed materially from chap. 
the former. It made provision, that on the first of 
October annually an assembly should be chosen, con- Penn ' s 
sisting of four persons out of each county, or of a third char- 
greater number, as the governour and assembly ^fti^iTOi. 
should agree. The assembly was always to con- 
vene on the 14th of the month at Philadelphia. The 
governour had the nomination of his own council, a 
negative on the assembly, and the whole executive 
power. The council had no negative. They were 
only assistants of the governour. The assembly 
possessed the right of originating, amending, 
and rejecting all laws and bills ; of impeaching 
criminals and redressing grievances, and all other 
privileges of an assembly according to the rights of 
the free born subjects of England, and the customs 
observed in any of the king's plantations in Ameri- 
ca.* This continued to be the constitution of Penn- 
sylvania till the late revolution. But it was far from 
giving satisfaction. The territories rejected it, and Delaware 
dividing from the province, became a distinct juris- becomes a 
diction. No measures could be adopted to effect a jurisdic. 
reconciliation. From this time they held a distinct uori. 
assembly, consisting of eighteen members ; six 
from each county, elected annually on the first day 
of October. Their sessions always commenced on 
the fourteenth. Though they enjoyed a colonial ju- 
risdiction, yet they had the same governour with 
Pennsylvania. He exercised the same power in the 
assembly of Delaware as in that of Pennsylvania. 
Notwithstanding the separation the proprietary stip- 
ulated, That the inhabitants both of the province and 
of the territories should enjoy separately all liberties, 
privileges, and benefits granted to them jointly by 
the charter. f Though they became separate juris- 
dictions yet their government was nearly the same. 
Notwithstanding the assembly of Pennsylvania 
voted their thankful reception of this third charter, 

* Colden's Hist. vol. ii. p. 246. f Ibid, vol. ii.'p. 25Q. 



204 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, from their proprietary and governour, yet the same 

violent disputes and animosities, which had before 

1701 embroiled the province, were continued with equal 
Uneasi- heat and virulence. The proprietaries notwithstand- 
province 16 m S tne ^ r arn P* e territories were poor. The whole 
under the province of Pennsylvania was once mortgaged by 

charter ^ P ro P r * etar y to one Mr. Gee and others for 
6,600/. sterling.* Poverty was naturally an induce- 
ment strongly operating on them, to extend their 
power, and accumulate property, by obtaining grants 
from the people, by exempting their lands from tax- 
ation, and by other lucrative measures. Attempts 
of this nature created constant jealousies and strug- 
gles between the proprietary and the assembly. 
The assembly opposed them Avith an unshaken firm- 
ness and perseverance, and thus preserved the rights 
of the province. Even the Friends manifested, that 
they had the feelings of other men, and that some- 
times they were neither peaceable nor friendly. 
The as- About the year 1704, the assembly of the province 
monstme" brought heavy charges against the proprietary, com- 
against plaining, with great grief, That he had undermined 
^rtetar " own foundations ; and by a subtle contrivance, 

iro4. ' laid deeper than the capacities of some could fathom, 
found a way to lay aside the act of settlement, and 
dissolve his second charter : That he had extorted 
great sums of money from the province : That they 
were abused by surveyors, clerks of the court, and 
justices of the peace, who, they said, were all put in 
by the proprietary ; so that he became his own 
judge in his own cause. They charged him with 
oppression, and with falsifying his word with the 
provincials in almost every respect.f These with 
several other matters were the substance of ten res- 
olutions unanimously passed in the assembly, and 
transmitted in the form of a remonstrance to the pro- 
prietary in England. Whatever may have been the 

* Douglass, vol. ii. p. 306. 
| Gordon's Hist. vol. i. p. 81, from Chalmer, and the Modem Uni- 
versal History. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 205 

designs of the proprietary, or the complaints of the chap. 
people, it doth not appear, but that the government v ' 
had been generally mild, and the burdens of it very iro4 
tolerable. 

In 1713, Mr. Penn, by a certain agreement 
made over all his rights in Pennsylvania to the crown, 
for the consideration of 12,00(5/. sterling : but be- 
fore the instrument of surrender was executed, he 
was no more.* In consequence of this circum- 
stance, the propriety of Pennsylvania continued in 
the family of the Penns till after the revolution in 
America. 

Proprietary government was never agreeable to 
any of the American colonists. It was particularly- 
disagreeable to the inhabitants both of East and 
West Jersey. As early as the year 1672 titles from 
the natives, the original possessors of the soil, were 
set up against the proprietors, and many of the in- 
habitants were utterly opposed to the payment of the 
quitrents. The proprietors, by reason of the sale of 
small parts of their respective shares, and by the di- 
vision of them among the children of the several 
families to which they descended, became so nume- 
rous, and the shares were so subdivided among them, 
that it created great difficulty and confusion in the 
management of the general proprietors ; and with re- 
spect to the appointment of governours. Some of 
the proprietors had not more than one fortieth part 
of a forty eighth part of a twenty fourth share. The 
inhabitants, from one cause and another, were so 
uneasy and inclined to mutiny, gave the proprietors 
so much trouble, and appeared to be so rapidly ad- 
vancing to a dangerous crisis, that they determined 
to surrender the government to the crown. Accord- 
ingly, their agents, Sir Thomas Lane for West, and 
Mr. William Dockwra for East Jersey, on the 17th 
of April, 1702, made a public surrender of it to her 
majesty queen Anne. She accepted the surrender. 

* Douglass, vol ii. ii. "06 



206 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 
V. 



[Divisions 
in Caroli- 



and appointed lord viscount Cornbury governour of 
New Jersey. He was grandson of die great chan- 
cellor Clarendon. By his commission East and 
West Jersey were united in one government. From 
this time the government of the province became 
regal. The governour and council were appointed 
by the crown, and the house of representatives were 
chosen by the freemen. The council consisted of 
twelve, and the house of representatives of twenty 
four members. 

In the Carolinas proprietary government was more 
disagreeable than in the Jerseys. It was unjust, 
oppressive, cruel, and persecuting. It bred among 
the people discontent, hatred, violent struggles, and 
divisions, which terminated in a revolution. At an 
early period two parties were formed in the colony. 
One party insisted, that the laws and regulations of 
the proprietors, in England, respecting government, 
ought to be implicitly and punctually obeyed. The 
other maintained, that respect ought to be had to lo- 
cal circumstances ; and that the freemen were under 
no obligations to obey them, any further than they 
were consistent with the interest of individuals, and 
the general happiness of the community. Both par- 
ties were warm and determined. In this unhappy 
state of the colony, it was difficult for any ruler, long 
to support his power and influence. James Colleton, 
one of the proprietors, was governour ; but in this 
heat of affairs he entirely lost his influence, and the 
people were so exasperated against him, that nothing 
but his banishment could appease them. 

Seth Sothel was chosen his successor. It was 
soon found, that he was destitute of every sentiment 
either of integrity or honour. His avarice was un- 
salable. He took bribes from felons and traitors, 
and broke over all restraints of decency and common 
justice, till the people, distracted with his extortion 
and mal-administration, compelled him for ever to 
abjure his government and country. Till this time 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 207 

the community had been little else than a scene of chap. 
continual animosity and misery. 

In this state of affairs, Philip Ludwell, a Virgini- 1690 
an, was appointed governour. He was a gentleman 
of so much humanity, knowledge, and experience, 
that, for a short time, he had the good fortune to 
allay the ferment among the people, and effect a tem- 
porary reconciliation between them and the proprie- 
tors. But no sooner had their affairs assumed this 
favourable aspect, than there sprang up a new source 
of discontent 'and animosity. The French protes- 
tants, who had settled in the county of Craven, were 
a large body of industrious, pious people. Some of 
them had made large purchases and were men of 
principal estates in the colony. They had a number of 
pious ministers for whom they had the greatest ven- 
eration. Under their influence they conducted them- 
selves in a peaceable and exemplary manner. With 
the English they had mutually shared in the hard- 
ships, dangers, and expense of clearing and cultiva- 
ting a hideous wilderness. The governours receiv- 
ed and treated these exiles from their native country, 
with civility and tenderness. The proprietors judg- 
ed it reasonable, that they should enjoy the same 
privileges with the English colonists. Accordingly, 
the governour was instructed to give them their pro- 
portion of representatives, in the parliament or gen- 
eral assembly. But the English, instead of treating Abusive 
them with compassion and generosity, as christian ofthe"^ 
brethren, who had fled from the iron hand of oppres- French 
sion, and sought an asylum in the wilderness, became refu £ ees - 
envious against them ; revived the odious distinctions 
and antipathies of the two nations, and treated them 
as aliens and enemies. While every feeling of compas- 
sion, every tie of humanity, interest, and religion 
bound them to give them a cordial welcome, they 
began rigorously to execute upon them the laws of 
England against foreigners. Abusive as this treat- 
ment was, this mad party proceeded still further in 
their violence. They insisted that the laws of Eng- 



208 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, land allowed no foreigner to purchase lands in any 
part of the empire, and that no authority, but that of 
the parliament, could incorporate aliens and vest 
them with the rights of Englishmen. That, as their 
clergymen had not obtained episcopal ordination, 
their marriages were illegal and their children bas- 
tards. They averred, that these aliens could not 
be allowed a voice in their elections, or a seat in 
their parliament, nor be returned to serve on any 
jury for the trial of issues between subject and sub- 
ject. When the election for the assembly came on 
they were not allowed a single representative in the 
county of Craven.* Greatly were these pious stran- 
gers alarmed and discouraged, not knowing for 
whom they were labouring, nor to whom their es- 
tates would finally descend. Meanwhile, under the 
countenance of the governour, who gave them fair 
promises and kind treatment, they prosecuted their 
settlement with diligence, and remained peaceable 
and inoffensive. In the favour of the governour, 
they found a partial relief. At the same time, a con- 
stant struggle was kept up between the people and 
the proprietors and their officers. Notwithstanding 
all the wisdom and exertions of successive govern- 
ours, the colony continued in such a state of divis- 
ion and turbulence, that it was determined, that 
nothing but the appointment of one of the proprie- 
tors, with full powers to redress all grievances, and 
compose all difficulties, could restore union and tran- 
:695. quillity to the colonists. Therefore, in 1695, John 
Archdale, one of the proprietors, was sent over with 
plenary powers for these purposes. With his exten- 
sive powers, singular wisdom and address, he was so 
happy as to settle all matters of general concern, ex- 
cepting the liberties of the French refugees, to gen- 
eral satisfaction. But he found that the national an- 
tipathy of the English settlers against them was so 
great, that it was absolutely necessary, for the peace 

* History of Carolina, vol. i. p. Ill, 112, 113. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 209 

«f the colony, to exclude them from all concern in chap. 
the legislature. But he recommended it to the Eng- v 
lish freeholders, to consider them in the most friend- 
ly point of light, and to treat them with lenity, mod- 
eration, and compassion. He made but a short visit 
to the colony, embarking the same year for Eng- 
land. Joseph Blake succeeded him in the govern- 
ment. 

The national prejudices against the French prot- 
estants gradually abated. Their industry, quiet and 
inoffensive deportment, won upon the people and 
daily increased their favour. They began to con- 
sider, that with themselves they had defied the hard- 
ships and dangers of the wilderness, that they had 
given the amplest proofs of their fidelity to the pro- 
prietors, of their love to their fellow settlers, and 
zeal for the success of the colony. The governour 
and their friends, observing these favourable dispo- 
sitions, advised them to petition the legislature for 
an act of incorporation with the freemen of the colo- 
ny. The petition met a favourable reception, and, 
on taking the oath of allegiance to king William, 
they were admitted to the privileges of English sub- 
jects. From this period the French and English 
subjects united in interest and affection, and have liv- 
ed together in peace and harmony.* 

Till about the year 17U0 the colony enjoyed a tol- 
erable degree of union and harmony. But there was 
then a revival of jealousies and dissentions, which in 
a few years arose to an uncommon height. From this 
period, various intrigues and corruptions crept into 
the seat of government, and flagrant encroachments 
were made both on the civil and religious rights of 
the colonists. Lord Granville, a bigoted churchman, 
was palatine. For all denominations of dissenters he 
had conceived a supreme contempt. Therefore, 
though it was a fundamental article in the colonial 
constitution, that "no person whatsoever shall dis- 

* History of Carolina, vol. i. p. 120, 139, 140. 
Voi:. I, 27 



1696. 



•210 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 

V. 

1703. 



Corrup- 
tion in 
election. 



Establish- 
ment of 
episcopa- 
cy- 



turb, molest, or persecute another, for his speculative 
opinions in religion, or his way of worship," yet he 
made the establishment of the church of England, 
and the suppression of all other modes of worship, 
in the colony, the chief object of his zeal and atten- 
tion. James Moore, a poor, ambitious man, was 
governour. He was careful to make his own profits, 
and was a fit tool for the palatine. They united their 
arts and influence to obtain the establishment of epis- 
copacy by a provincial law. A very great majority 
of the. colonists were dissenters, who had fled from 
their native country on the account of the rigorous 
acts of conformity. They were prepared, with all 
their feelings and influence to oppose such an estab- 
lishment. The only way in which the palatine, gov- 
ernour, and their tools could effect their purpose was 
by introducing corruption in the election of the 
members of the assembly. One half of these were 
chosen from among the dregs of the people, and 
were utterly unqualified to be legislators.* But 
after all his exertions governour Moore was not able 
to carry his point. This inglorious business was 
left for his successor, Sir Nathaniel Johnson. He 
appointed a new election in which far greater irregu- 
larities were practised than in the former. All sorts 
of people, aliens, Jews, servants, common sailors, and 
negroes were admitted to vote in the election. The 
governour and his adherents by undue influence and 
violence obtained a majority in the house. They 
framed a bill establishing episcopacy, and excluding 
all dissenters from the house of representatives. It 
also required, that every man, who should afterwards 
be chosen a member of the assembly, should take 
the oath and subscribe the declaration, appointed by 
law, to conform to the religion and worship of the 
church of England, and to receive the sacrament of 
the Lord's supper according to the rites of that 
church. It passed in the lower house by a majority 



History of Carolina, vol. i, p. 151, 152 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 211 

of one only. In the upper house landgrave Morton chap. 
was denied the privilege of entering his protest 



against the bill. An act was also passed for erecting 1703 
churches. The colony was divided into ten parishes, 
glebes were granted, with monies for building 
churches, and salaries for the different rectors, pay- 
able from the public treasury. Nor did the business 
stop here ; the governour determining, at any rate, 
to finish what he had undertaken, instituted, what 
the people termed a high commission court, similar 
to that of James II. It was enacted, that twenty 
laymen, be constituted a corporation, for the exercise 
of ecclesiastical jurisdiction ; with full powers to de- 
prive ministers of their livings, at pleasure ; not bare- Starcham- 
ly for immorality, but for imprudence, or on the Jjjj™ 
account of unreasonable prejudices against them.* 

The colony was immediately thrown into a state 
of the utmost tumult and distraction. Some formed 
resolutions of abandoning the colony. Others deter- 
mined to petition their lordships, the proprietors, to 
redress their grievances. The inhabitants of Colle- 
ton county, who were chiefly dissenters, adopted 
this measure. They stated their grievances and The inhab* 
prayed for a repeal of the oppressive acts. The pe- itants 
titioners were computed to be at least two thirds {JJyjjJf 
of the inhabitants of the whole colony. John Ash, tors to re= 
one of the most zealous men in the opposition, was j*" 5 ? 8 
appointed to go with the petition to England. The gr i e van. 
governour and his party employed all their art and ces. 
influence to prevent his passage in any ship from 
Carolina. But he found means of getting to Virgin- 
ia, whence he embarked for England. 

On his arrival he addressed lord Granville, the 
palatine on the subject of his message, and gave the 
proprietors all the information in his power. But as 
his lordship was at the bottom of the whole affair, he 
met with an unfavourable reception, and the griev- 
ances vvere not redressed. 

* History of Carolina, vol. i. p. 152, to 166, irO, &.<\ 



212 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 

V. 



The pro- 
prietors, 
not with 
standing 1 , 
pass the 
bill. 



The dis- 
senters 
petition 
the house 
of lords. 



When the bills arrived in England, Archdale,, 
who had lately been governour in Carolina, and ren- 
dered both the colony and the proprietors very essen- 
tial services, made an able and spirited opposition 
against them. He insisted, that the dissenters had 
not yet forgotten the hardships which they had suffer- 
ed in England, by acts of conformity : that the right 
of private judgment in religion, was the birthright 
of every man : that the charter granted undisturbed 
liberty of conscience to every inhabitant in Carolina: 
that acts of conformity, with penalties annexed to 
them, had generally been destructive of the cause 
they were designed to promote : that they were ut- 
terly inconsistent with the principles of protestants : 
that they were unjust and oppressive, as well as un- 
popular ; and therefore, on the principles of justice, 
sound policy, and religious liberty, ought to be re- 
pealed. The debate ran high ; but the palatine, 
who was equally a tyrant and a bigot, declared that 
he would head the party in support of the bill. It 
was therefore confirmed by a majority of the propri- 
etors.* This rash, impolitic, and ill timed measure, 
with others of a similar nature, ruined the influence 
of the proprietary government in Carolina, and ripen- 
ed the inhabitants for a total revolt. 

The dissenters saw themselves at once despoiled 
of the dear enjoyments, for which they had left their 
native countries, and braved the dangers of planting 
a wilderness. Great was their discouragement and 
vexation. Some were for an immediate removal of 
themselves and families to Pennsylvania, to set down 
under Penn's free and indulgent government. Oth- 
ers preferred an application to the house of lords in 
England. Accordingly a petition was addressed to 
their lordships, representing the securities given 
them, both by charter, and in the fundamental con- 
stitution, agreed to by the proprietors, granting a 
full toleration of all christians ; and that no person 



History of Carolina, vol. i, p. 170. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 213 

should be disturbed, on the account of any specula- chap. 
tive opinion in religion ; and that no person should, 
on that account, be excluded from a seat in the gen- 1706 
eral assembly, or from any office in the administra- 
tion : that under these encouragements they trans- 
ported themselves and their families into America, 
and settled in Carolina ; and that by means of these 
encouragements the greatest part of the inhabitants 
were protestant dissenters. How the elections were 
managed, and the bills carried in the assembly, was 
evinced. It was also represented that the colony, 
under these grievances, was in a languishing and dan- 
gerous situation, and that its ruin would be a great 
damage to the commercial interests of the kingdom. 
Joseph Boon was their agent to negotiate their affairs 
with their lordships. His agency was successful. 
Their lordships having heard the parties on the peti- 
tion, resolved that the act relative to the establishment 
of the church of England, was not warranted by the 
charter, was not consonant to reason ; that it was re- Their 
puarnant to the laws of the realm, and destructive of lm ' dsh, P s 

jo ' condemn 

the constitution of the church of England. With the act. 
respect to the other part of the act relating to the re- 
ception of the sacrament, &c. they resolved that it 
was founded in falsity, in matter and fact, was re- 
pugnant to the laws of England, contrary to the 
charter of the proprietors, an encouragement to athe- 
ism and irreligion, destructive of trade, and tended 
to the depopulation and ruin of the colony. Their 
lordships addressed queen Anne, on the subject, 
praying her majesty to redress the grievances to which 
the colonists had been subjected. 

Her majesty referred the matter to the lords of 
trade and plantation, who reported, that the charges 
brought against the provincial government and the 
proprietors were well grounded : that they had abus- 
ed their powers and forfeited their charter. They de- 
sired her majesty, by a scire facias, to resume the 



214 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, government. The queen accepted the report and 

declared the laws to be void.* 
Her maj- I n tne c l° se °f tne vear 1707 l° rc * Granville was 
estyde- no more, and lord Craven commenced palatine. 
veS* l ^ e was ^ ar fr° m P ossessm g tne tyrannical, intolerant 
spirit of lord Granville. He entertained more fa- 
vourable sentiments of the dissenters, and gave in- 
structions, for the adoption of the most conciliating 
measures, that the inhabitants, as far as possible, 
might be brought into a state of harmony, mutual es* 
teem, and confidence. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Ravages of the French and Indians in king 1 William's and queen 
Anne's Wars. Destruction of Schenectada, Salmon Falls, and Casco. 
The reduction of Port Royal. Sir William Phips' unsuccessful 
attempt on Canada. Major Schuyler's expedition. The distressed 
state of New-England. Armament from France, under the Marquis 
of Nesmond for the reduction of Boston and New York. The re- 
markable preservation of New York and the country in general. The 
uncommon cruelties of this war. Depredations and distressed state 
of New-England in queen Anne's war. Expedition of Colonel Church. 
Expedition under Colonel Nicholson to Wood Creek. Reduction of 
Port-Royal and Acadia. Expedition against Canada, under Admir- 
al Walker and Brigadier Hill. The loss of New-England in these 
wars, and their general effect on the country, 

1689. oCARCELY had the colonies emerged from one 
scene of troubles, before they were involved in anoth- 
er. The revolution, by William and Mary, restored 
their liberties ; but immediately involved them in 
war. While Lewis the XIV. attempting to support 
king James, kindled the flames of war between 
France and England, the French and Indians com- 
menced hostilities against the colonies of New- 
june 27th. England and New York. In June, 1689, the In- 
dians surprised Cocheco, part of the town of Dover, 
in New Hampshire ; killed and captivated about fifty 

* Hist, Carolina, vol. i. p. 174, %7S. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. r>lS 

of the inhabitants. Twenty three were slain, among chap. 
whom was major Waldron, a worthy man, who had 
performed many good services for his country. The 
enemy marked their route with destruction, burning 
houses, and mills, and doing every thing in their 
power to make the country desolate. 

This disaster spread a general alarm. Vigorous 
measures were adopted, with the utmost despatch, 
for the defence of the frontiers. A considerable 
body of troops was sent from the Massachusetts, 
garrisons were placed at convenient places, some of 
the scattering enemy were slain, and their corn was 
destroyed., But while the forces were on their march, 
the enemy surprised and burnt the garrison house 
at Oyster- River, and slew more than twenty of the 
inhabitants. Depredations were committed in sev- 
eral parts of the county of York, in the province of Aug.28th. 
Maine, and the fort at Pemaquid was taken by the 
enemy. The Indians were instigated by the French 
from Canada, as well as Acadia ; who joined them 
in plundering and burning the country. From Aca- 
dia privateers were fitted out, who took many ves- 
sels and kept the sea coasts in constant alarm. There 
was no safety by land or sea.* The distressed in- 
habitants wished for the approach of winter, when 
they hoped that the deep snows and severities of the 
season would give them respite, from continual 
alarm and desolation. But great was their disap- 
pointment and surprise, when they found that even 
the winter afforded them no defence. 

Count Frontenac, a brave and enterprising officer, 
was governour of Canada. Inflamed with the resent- 
ments of his master, against king William and the 
revolution, he was zealous of distinguishing him- 
self in enterprises against his American subjects. 
Therefore, in the dead of winter, three expeditions 
were planned and parties of French and Indians des- 
patched from Canada, on different routes, to the 

* Hatch, vol. i. p. 396. Belknap's Hist. p. 248, 250. 



216 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, frontiers of the English colonies. On^ of the par 
ties, in the month of February, fell on Schenecta- 
Feb. 8th. da, a village on the Mohawk river. Such was the 
1690. fatal security of the people that they had not so 

fadasur-" mucn as snut tne ' r g ates - T ne enemy made the at- 
prised. tack in the dead time of the night, when the inhabi- 
tants were in a profound sleep. Care was taken by 
a division of the enemy into small parties to attack 
every house at the same instant. Before the people 
were risen from their beds the enemy were in pos- 
session of their dwellings, and commenced the most 
inhuman barbarities. In an instant the whole vil- 
lage was wrapped in a general flame. Women were 
ripped up, and their infants dashed against the posts 
of their doors, or cast into the flames. Sixty per- 
sons perished in the massacre, and about thirty were 
captivated. The rest fled naked in a terrible storm 
and deep snow. In the flight, twenty five of these 
unhappy fugitives lost their limbs through the se- 
verity of the season. 

The enemy consisted of about two hundred French, 
and a number of Caghnuaga Indians, under the com- 
mand of D'Aillebout, De Mantel, and Le Moyne. 
Their first design was against Albany, but having 
been two and twenty days on their march, they were 
reduced to such straits, that they had thoughts of 
surrendering themselves prisoners of war. The In- 
dians therefore advised them to Schenectada : and it 
seems that the accounts, which their scouts gave 
them of its fatal security, was the only circumstance 
which determined them to make an attempt even 
upon this. The enemy pillaged the town, and went 
off with the plunder and about forty of the best 
horses. The rest, with all the cattle they could find, 
were left slaughtered in the streets. The success of 
the enemy seems to have been principally owing to 
the dispute between Leisler and the people of Alba- 
ny, in consequence of which this post was neglected* 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 217 

The Mohawks joining a party of young men from chap. 

Albany pursued the enemy and falling on their rear, ' 

killed and captivated nearly thirty.* 1690 

Another party from the Three Rivers, commanded Destmc- 
by the Sieur Hertel, the succeeding month made an tl0 " at F aUs 
attack on Salmon Falls, a settlement on the river March 18. 
which divides New Hampshire from the Province of 
Maine. The inhabitants flew to their arms and made 
a noble defence. But after nearly thirty of their 
bravest men were slain, the rest, consisting chiefly 
of women and children, surrendered at discretion. 
Fifty four were carried into miserable captivity. 
The houses, mills, barns, and a great number of cat- 
tle were burned, f 

A third party, from Quebec, making a junction May I7tf>. 
with Hertel, in May, attacked and destroyed the fort 
and settlement at Casco. An hundred people were 
either killed or taken. After the destruction of this 
settlement, the eastern settlements were all deserted 
and the people retired to the fort at Wells.! 

One grand design of these expeditions was to de- 
tach the Five Nations from the British interest, raise 
the depressed spirits of the Canadians, encourage the 
Indians already in the interest of the French, and fix 
them more firmly in their views. As the Five Na- 
tions were in alliance with Great Britain, and had 
given the French much trouble, they had in some 
preceding years employed nearly the whole force of 
Canada against them, with a view totally to subdue 
and extirpate them. But so far had they been from The Fiv 



accomplishing their wishes, that the Five Nations, Nations 
but two years before this time, had nearly made a u"e P isian* 
conquest of Canada. In 1688, twelve hundred of ofMont - 
their warriors landed on the south side of the island ^ 2 « 
of Montreal, and while the French were in perfect 
security, making a violent attack upon them, slew all 
the men, women, and children without the skirts of 
the town. Not less than a thousand French were 

* Smith's Hist. N. Y. p. 66, 67. f Belknap's Hist. p. 257, 258. 
* Ibid. p. 259, 260. Hutch, vol. i. p. 396, 397. 

Vol. I. 28 



218 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



chap, slain in this invasion. Twenty six they carried int@ 
VL captivity and burnt alive. They plundered and burnt 
~^*" all the plantations. But this did not satiate their rage 
and thirst for blood, for in October they made ano- 
ther descent on the island, destroyed all the lower 
part of it and carried off a much larger number of 
captives.* 
conse- These expeditions had the most dismal conse- 

quences of q U ences on the affairs of the French in Canada. For 
preda? 6 ' no sooner had the news of the destruction at Mon- 
tions. treal, reached the garrison at lake Ontario, than they 
set fire to the two barks, which they had on the lake, 
and abandoned their fort. They left in the fort nven- 
ty seven barrels of powder and their stores, which 
were all seized by the Indians of the Five Nations. 
At their departure the French set a match to their 
powder, with a design to blow up their works ; but 
the match went out, and the whole became the booty 
of their enemies. They made their flight down the 
Cadarackui river in seven birch canoes ; but such 
was their panic that they went off in the night, and in 
shooting the falls, one of their canoes overset, and, 
with all the men on board, was lost. 

These were not the only misfortunes which befel 
the French in this war with the Five Nations. They 
sent numerous scouts into their country, by which 
thousands of their inhabitants were cut off, and large 
tracts made desolate. These repeated depredations 
prevented cultivation, and produced a distressing fa- 
mine through the country. Nothing but the ignor- 
ance of the Five Nations, at that time, in the art of 
attacking forts, saved Canada from a total destruc- 
tion. 

Unspeakably fortunate was it for the French, and 
as unfortunate for the English colonies, that through 
the malignant influence and execrable measures of 
king James, they might not, at that time, give the 
least assistance to these faithful allies. 

* Colden's Hist. vol. i. p. 90, 91. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 219 

However, providence very singularly overruled chap. 
their victories for the preservation of the English co- 
lonies. They rendered them secure from the in- 1689 
roads of the enemy, till the work of the revolution Means of 
was nearly accomplished, and probably saved New w^, r J" 
York from a general destruction. A scheme had colonies, 
been projected for the Conquest of that province ; 
and Caffiniere had been despatched with a fleet and 
troops for that design. The fleet and troops arrived 
at Chebucta in September.* Count Frontenac, who 
had the chief command, on the arrival of the fleet 
proceeded immediately to Canada. Caffiniere had 
orders to sail to New York, and continue in the bay, 
in sight of the city, but out of the reach of its can- 
non, till the first of December ; when, if he should 
receive no intelligence from the count, he was, after 
unlading his ammunition, stores, and provisions, at 
Port Royal, to return to France. The land force for 
this enterprise was to consist of thirteen hundred re- 
gulars and three hundred Canadians. The land ar- 
my was to take their route by the river Sorel and lake 
Champlain. When the count arrived in Canada, the 
news of the victories of the Five Nations, the loss of 
his favourite fort on lake Ontario, and the distressed 
state of the country, dashed his designs and broke 
up the expedition, f 

In the state in which count Frontenac found Cana- 
da, the expeditions which he planned, and which 
succeeded so much to his wishes, were excellently 
adapted to his purposes. The destruction of Sche- 
nectada so alarmed the people, that they were on the 
point of abandoning the country and even Albany it- 
self. But the Mohawk sachems in a noble speech 
urged their stay, pressed an union of all the coloni s 
against the enemy, and roused them to a vigorous 
war.| 

The colonies considered Canada as the source of 
all their troubles. An expedition was therefore plan- 

* September, 1688. f Smith's Hist. New York, p. 64, 65- 
^ Colden's Hist, vol, i. p. 125, 126. 



22Q A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, ned, both against Port Royal and Quebec. The 

chief command of the forces, appointed for these 

1690 purposes, was given to Sir William Phips. In 

April, a fleet of small vessels, with about eight hun- 

Anrii28th. d re d men, sailed for the reduction of Port Royal. Of 

Port Roy- this they made an easy conquest ; and Sir William 

ai taken. t00 j_ p 0ssess ; on Q f the whole coast from Port Royal 

to Penobscot and the New-England settlements. 

The whole business was finished, and the fleet and 

army returned in about a month. The plunder was 

so considerable, that it was judged equal to the whole 

expense of the expedition. 

This cheap and easy acquisition, confirmed the 
colonies in the prosecution of their designs against 
Canada. The continual ravages of the French and 
Indians, on the frontiers, made the necessity of the 
Expedi- enterprise appear in a strong point of light. It also 
tion a. appeared highly necessary for the encouragement 
Canada. °f tne Five Nations, and for the preservation of their 
friendship. For the French were now, by every art, 
attempting to divide and detach them from the inter- 
ests of the colonies. The Massachusetts were influ- 
enced by a still further motive ; they wished to 
recommend themselves to the good graces of his 
majesty, and to obtain the establishment of their 
government. Every exertion was therefore made for 
the equipment of a force adequate to the service. It 
was designed that two thousand men should penetrate 
into Canada by lake Champlain, and attack Mont- 
real at the same time that the armament by sea 
should invest Quebec. The fleet consisted of thir- 
ty-two sail of vessels, great and small. The largest 
was a 44 gun ship, with two hundred men. The 
whole number of men was nearly two thousand. 
The success of the expedition depended principally 
on a division of the French .force. The fleet sailed 
from Nantasket on the 9th of August. A combina- 
tion of untoward circumstances defeated the design. 
The troops, which were destined for Montreal were 
not supplied either with battoes or provisions sufli 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. f>21 

cient for crossing the lake. The fleet was early dis- chap. 
covered in the river St. Lawrence, and unfortunately VI 
did not arrive at Quebec till the 5th of October. 1690 
Two or three days were spent in idle consultations. 
The army which was to march by the lake had now 
retreated. Count Frontenac had time to arrive from 
Montreal with considerable force, and was now able 
to employ the whole strength of Canada against this 
little army. He therefore despised the summons of 
the English knight to surrender the town, contem- 
ned both king William and his subjects. He refus- 
ed any other answer, than by the mouths of his can- 
non. On the 8th, all the effective men, amounting 
to a little more than twelve hundred, were landed and 
began their march for the town. Though their 
march was through a thick wood in which were am- 
buscades of French and Indians, yet they continued 
their march till night, and advanced again the next Unsuc- 
day. The ships also were drawn up before the town; cessful - 
but they were so galled by the fire of the enemy, 
that they were drawn off the next day, without doing 
them any considerable damage. On the 11th, the 
troops re-embarked. Another attempt was designed ; 
but the season was cold, and tempestuous weather 
coming on drove many of the vessels from their an- 
chors, and so scattered the whole fleet, that they were 
obliged to give over the enterprise. Some of the 
vessels were afterwards driven off to the West In- 
dies, and three or four were lost.* 

A French writer observes, that had the English 
made the descent while the count was at Montreal, 
or within two days after his arrival at Quebec, they 
would have gained the city without striking a blow. 
He says there were not two hundred men in it, and 
that it lay open and exposed on all hands. f The 
French applauded the valour of the troops, but univer- 
sally censured the conduct of Sir William. They at- 
tributed their deliverance to the immediate hand of 

* Hutch, vol. i. p. 399 to 402. Smith's Hist. N. Y. p. 68, 69. Col- 
Jen's Hist. vol. i.p. 137, 138. t Le Hontan. 



222 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, providence. From the ill success of this enterprise 
it has been treated, both by English and French 
1690. writers, with ridicule and contempt. The defeat of 
it has been generally imputed to the want of conduct 
in Sir William Phips. But on a fair statement of 
the case it will appear, that considering the state of 
the country, his achievements were honourable ; and 
that the expedition was defeated more by the fault of 
others than by his own. 

In the two preceding years the colony of the 
Massachusetts only, had kept more than seven hun- 
dred men in pay for the defence of the country. The 
expense of the colony amounted to more than twen- 
ty thousand pounds. Many of the eastern settle- 
ments had been totally swept away. The frontiers 
were in such continual alarm, and so many men call- 
ed into public service, that cultivation was exceed- 
ingly diminished. Provisions were scarce and dear, 
and many of the poor people were in want of bread.* 
Yet, in this state of the country, such were his exer- 
tions, that he had conducted an expedition against 
Port Royal, and in tolerable season had prepared for 
a second against Quebec. The plan of it appears to 
have been good : and the fleet would have sailed at 
an earlier period, had not Sir William waited some 
time for provisions and military stores from England. 
For these the colony had made an early and pressing 
application, 
chief rea- New York were to have furnished battoes and pro- 
d?su°/ the v i s ' ons f° r tne army, which was to march by the 
p.ointment. lake ; but, by reason of Leisler's usurpation of the 
government, that colony was in an unhappy state of 
division and tumult. Milborn his son-in-law was 
commissary, and made no effectual provision of eith- 
er. The army were not able to pass the lake, nor 
even to keep the field. Such was the want of pro- 
visions that they were soon obliged to return to Al- 
bany. This circumstance contributed more than 

* Letter ofDep. Gov. Danforth to Sir H. Ashurst, April 1, 1690. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 223 

any other to defeat the enterprise.* Even, agreea- chap. 
blv to the French writers, had the army advanced, 
or had they only kept the field, so as to have detain- 1690 
ed count Frontenac a few days longer at Montreal, 
it would have been crowned with success. On the 
19th of November Sir William arrived at Boston. 
About two hundred men had been lost ; thirty by 
the enemy, and the rest by sickness. 

This was a humbling stroke to New-England, 
and involved them in almost inextricable difficulties. 
No preparation had been made for the return of the 
fleet. The colonies seem, not only to have presum- 
ed on success, but to have depended on the spoils 
of the enemy, to defray the expense of the expedi- 
tion. The soldiers upon their return were on the 
point of mutiny for their wages. It was not possible 
in a few days to raise a sufficient sum to make them 
payment. The poverty of the people, the heavy 
debt brought on the colonies, the extreme difficulties 
to which they were now reduced, for the first time, 
drove them to the necessity of emitting bills of pub- 
lic credit. These in a short time had a rapid depre- 
ciation, did great injury to the soldiers and other 
creditors. It proved a source of complicated and ex- 
tensive mischiefs. 

The failing of the expedition had other unhappy 
consequences. It had an ill effect on the Five Na- 
tions, who were a great check upon the enemy, and 
defence to the colonies. They blamed the English 
for their inactivity, and appeared more inclinable 
to make peace with the French. It encouraged the 1691. 
enemy, and exposed the frontiers to still greater 
ravages. 

To keep up the spirit of our Indian allies, and to Major 
prevent, as far as mierlt be, the ravages of our fron- Schuy- 

• -fc/r • t» 01 11 • . 1 lersexpe- 

tiers, Major reter Schuyler the next year, with about dition. 
three hundred men, nearly half Mohawks and Scha- 

* The author of the '<fe of Sir Wllli.im Phips gives this as a reason 
of the ill success of the fleet, and says, they were unprovided with 
battoes. 



224 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, kook Indians, passed lake Champlain, and made a 
bold attack on the French settlements north of the 
169L lake. Meanwhile, De Callieres, the goveraour of 
Montreal, spared no pains to give him a proper re- 
ception. He crossed the river with twelve hundred 
men, and encamped at La Prairie. Schuyler attack- 
ed and put to flight his out posts and Indians, pursu- 
ed them to the fort, and on that commenced a brisk 
attack. He had a sharp and brave action with the 
French regulars, and afterwards forcing his way 
through a body of the enemy, who intercepted him, 
on his return, made good his retreat. In these several 
conflicts, the major slew of the enemy thirteen officers, 
and in the whole three hundred men; a greater num- 
ber than he carried with him into the field.* 

The warriors of the Five Nations, continued their 
incursions through the whole summer, all along the 
river St. Lawrence, from Montreal to Quebec, and 
kept the country in continual alarm. Count Fron- 
tenac enraged at these incursions, for several years, 
employed almost his whole force against these na- 
tions, till by his expensive expeditions against them, 
and their repeated incursions, Canada was reduced a 
second time to famine. The French surprised sev- 
eral of their castles, and sometimes seemed to have 
the advantage ; and then the Five Nations, in their 
turn, with redoubled fury, would attack their settle- 
ments and scouting parties, and like an impetuous 
torrent carryall before them. In these ways did prov- 
idence in a great measure, defend the northern fron- 
tiers from the ravages of a barbarous enemy. 

But the eastern were extremely harassed. The 
enemy, in that quarter, kept a constant watch on the 
inhabitants, crept privately into their towns and. vil- 
lages, waylaid them on the roads and in their fields, 
hunted them from place to place, surprised and slew 
them, whenever they could find an advantage. 
Large bodies of men were employed for their de- 

* Cblden's Hist. vol. i. p. 135, 136. Smith's Hist. N. Y. p. 7«. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 225 

fence, and ranging parties scoured the woods from chap. 
one post to another. But notwithstanding their ut- 
most exertions scarcely a year passed without repeat- 
ed damages by the enemy. 

On the 25th of January the town of York was de- York des- 
stroyed. Fifty of the inhabitants were killed, and ^TiesS" 
about a hundred captivated. The people of the 
country were at this time greatly dispirited. The 
war had already brought on them a heavy debt, 
which was still increasing. Considerable numbers 
of their best men had been slain, and such large 
bodies were called out for their defence, as greatly 
impeded their husbandry, many of their towns and 
cattle had been destroyed, their trade and all their 
resources were exceedingly diminished. Poverty 
and ruin, at least, seemed to look them in the face. 
The people of New Hampshire, in particular, on 
whom the storm fell with the greatest severity, were 
on the point of abandoning the province. The gov- 
ernour was obliged to impress men to guard the out 
posts, and even then such was the scarcity of provis- 
ions, that, sometimes, the officers were under the 
necessity of dismissing them.* In these distressed 
circumstances application was made to Connecticut 
for provisions and men. Sometime after troops were 
sent from Connecticut, under the command of major 
Whiting, and acted in conjunction with those of the 
Massachusetts, in defence of the eastern frontiers.f 
Nothing but the influence of some men of greater 
magnanimity and perseverance than others, the un- 
ion of the colonies in the common defence, with the 
hope of better times, kept up the spirits of the people, 
and prevented their total depression. 

In 1694, the Sieur De Villieu, with a body of two j u i y 17ih% 
hundred and fifty Indians, surprised Oyster river, 1694. 
part of the town of Dover; killed and captivated 

* Belknap's Hist. p. 265, 266. 
| Contributions of provisions and money were also made, by Con- 
necticut and others, for the relief of tlie poor and of the frontiers, a* 
in the late war. Magnalia, book vii. p. 115. 

Vol. I. 29 



226 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, nearly a hundred persons, and burned about twenty 
houses. Before the close of the war, several other 
places shared a similar fate. 

Sir William Phips, at great expense, had built a 
fort at Pemaquid for the defence of those parts, and 
to encouarge the inhabitants not to desert them. But 
1696. an armament was fitted out at Quebec, under the com- 
mand of Iberville, who captured the fort ; and then 
sailing to Newfoundland took possession of St. 
John's and its other harbours. 

But the next year, 1697, was much more alarm- 
ing and distressful than any of the preceding years 
of the war. The preceding winter had been one of 
the severest which the country had known from its 
first settlement to that period. Never had the coun- 
try sustained greater losses in commerce, nor had 
provisions, in any period of the war, been more 
scarce, or borne a higher price. In these circum- 
stances, the people were in daily expectation of a 
general invasion by a powerful armament from 
France, in conjunction with the whole force of 
Canada. 

The Marquis of Nesmond, an officer of high re- 
putation, was despatched from France with ten ships 
of the line, a galliot, and two frigates. It was ex- 
pected that count Frontenac would join him, at Pe- 
nobscot, with fifteen hundred men. Immediately 
after the junction they were to make a descent on 
Boston. This taken, they were to range the coun- 
try as far as Piscataqua, carrying destruction as far 
back into it as should be in their power. They had 
orders to range the eastern coast of Newfoundland, 
take and burn all the English shipping, which should 
fall in their way. To finish their work of destruc- 
tion, they were to take New York, and the troops, 
under the count, were to march through and lay 
waste that province, in their return to Canada. It 
was expected by the court of France, that the Eng- 
lish would send a fleet to America, early in the 
spring, to recover what they had lost the preceding 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 227 

year. THis fleet the marquis had orders to attack chap. 

and defeat. The French king had this expedition 

so much at heart, that he gave permission to the 1697 

marquis, to augment his fleet with a number of ships, 

destined for another expedition in Hudson's bay, if 

he should meet them at Placentia, the place of their 

destination. 

There was little hope in New England, of any 
assistance from Great Britain. The inhabitants 
therefore were thrown into great consternation. The 
utmost exertions were made, to be in a state of pre- 
paration for the enemy. The castle at Boston was 
strengthened with such additional works as the time 
would permit. The militia of the country were hoi- 
den in immediate readiness to march to the sea 
coasts. Five hundred men were despatched to the 
eastern frontiers, for their protection. But in this 
terrible crisis, a power above human, interposed, 
and overruled that which had been devised for the 
destruction of the country, for its more effectual pre- 
servation. De Nesmond sailed too late for the ac- 
complishment of these purposes ; and, meeting with 
contrary winds, it was nearly August before he ar- July 24th. 
rived at Placentia. There he heard no news of the 
English fleet, which he expected on the coast. A 
grand council was now called to determine whether 
they should immediately proceed to the attack of 
Boston. Every voice was in the negative. This 
was judged an imprudent measure, while they were 
ignorant of the state of their enemy.* Beside, 
should there be the greatest despatch in giving notice 
to the count De Frontenac, he would not be able to 
form a junction at Penobscot before the 10th of Sep- 
tember : and by this time it was computed, that the 
fleet would have fifty days provisions only, and would 
not be able to effect any matter of consequence. 
Count Frontenac, with his" formidable army, lay most 
of the summer in a state of inaction, waiting for or. 

* Hutch. Hl"t. vol. ii. p. 101—105. 



r 

228 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE, 

ders. Thus were the colonies preserved r from their 
depredations. They stood still and saw the divine 
1697 salvation. 
Peace of The pacification of Riswick, the December fol- 
PecToth l° wm g, gave them rest from a ten years predatory 
and most distressing war. Nearly a thousand of the 
frontier inhabitants were either killed, or carried into 
the most miserable captivity. Many towns and vil- 
lages had been plundered and burnt. Extensive 
and fine tracts of country had been made desolate, 
and great numbers of cattle and horses destroyed. 
Such numbers of men had been employed in the war, 
that husbandry had greatly declined. Commerce 
was, in a manner, annihilated. So long a war in 
which so many men were employed, and in which 
such exertions had been made, had involved the 
northern colonies in an almost insuperable debt : 
when their numbers and resources had been exceed- 
ingly diminished. In the discharge of this debt they 
stood alone. They received no assistance from the 
English court. 

In this war the enemy perpetrated the greatest bar- 
barities, which had ever been known in New- Eng- 
land. Women, far advanced in pregnancy, were 
generally ripped up, and the tender babe dashed 
against a stone or tree. Infants, when they became 
troublesome, were despatched in the same manner. 
Sometimes, to torment the tender mother, the Indians 
would whip the child unsufferably, or hold it under 
water till it was strangling, and then throw it to the 
mother to hush and quiet. If she was not so happy, 
as soon to still its weeping, it was quieted with the 
hatchet, hung in the crotch of a tree, or left to be 
torn in pieces by dogs or wild beasts. Some of the 
captives were roasted alive ; others had the fleshy 
parts of their bodies cut into deep gashes, and then 
brands and sticks on fire were thrust into the wounds, 
till, in this lingering manner they were tortured to 
death. Poor children of both sexes were murdered ; 
and, in derision, left hanging by their rags, about on 



1697. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 229 

the fences. In one instance an infant was tied to the chap. 
corpse of its parent, and left to perish sucking the 
breasts of its dead mother.* Terrible was the con- 
dition of those who fared the best. They were sub- 
jected to the hardships of travelling half naked and 
barefoot, through pathless deserts, over craggy moun- 
tains, through horrible swamps and thickets. They 
were obliged to endure frost, rain, and snow, and all 
the inclemencies of the season, both by night and day. 
Famine was not an uncommon attendant on these 
doleful marches and captivities. No pity was shown, 
nor allowance made, for the aged or infirm. Such 
as, through infirmity, hunger, fatigue, or sorrow, 
fainted under their burdens, or could not keep pace 
with the enemy, in their hasty marches, were com- 
monly soon despatched with the tomahawk. f Such 
were the hard things, which our ancestors endured 
for the defence of the country, and for the preserva- 
tion of that fair inheritance, which they have, with 
such honour and magnanimity, transmitted to their 
posterity. If the very history of their sufferings 
wound our feelings, and awake our sorrows, how 
dreadful was their condition, who actually saw and 
suffered these evils. 

Scarcely had the colonies wiped their tears, and 1702. 
recovered from the wounds and impoverishment of 
the former, before they were involved in the horrors 
of a new war. The seeds of it, indeed, were amply 
sown both in Europe and America. The exorbi- 
tant power of Lewis XIV. threatened the liberties of 
all Europe. His seating his grandson, the duke of 
Anjou, on the throne of Spain, and proclaiming the 
pretender king of England, were flagrant violations 
of former treaties. The latter was a grand indignity 
to the nation and crown of England. In America, 
he not only claimed all Acadia, but gave orders to 
his governour, Villebon, to extend the limits as far 
as Kennebeck. He claimed an exclusive right of 

• Col. Church's Hist. p. 159. 
| Magnalia, book 7. Belknap's Hist. p. 282—285. 



230 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

C ^ AP - fishing on the coasts, and gave express orders for 

'_ the seizing of all English vessels, which should be 

1702. found fishing upon them. On the 4th of May, 1702, 
War pro- wa r was proclaimed both against France and Spain. 
May 4th. The Five Nations, who were in alliance with the 
ag-ainst English, had entered into a treaty of neutrality with 
aniTspain tne ^ rencn > in Canada. Therefore, though war was 
proclaimed, yet the province of New York, was so 
far from being harassed on her frontiers, that, for 
sometime, she carried on an advantageous trade with 
the Indian nations. But with Massachusetts and New 
Hampshire it was far otherwise. Against these un- 
happy provinces, during a ten years war, the strength 
and fury of the French and Indians were almost 
wholly employed. 
lr0 3. On the 28th of February, 1703, a party of three 
Destruc- hundred French and Indians, commanded by Hertel 
Deerfieid ^ e Rouville, surprised the town of Deerfield, on 
Feb. 28th. Connecticut river, slew about forty persons, burned 
the town, and took nearly a hundred captives. More 
than twenty of the captives, unable to keep pace with 
the enemy, were killed before they reached Canada. 
Mr. Williams, minister of the town, was seized by 
the enemy as he rose from his bed, and in that cold 
season, kept standing in his shirt only, the space of 
an hour. During which time his house was plun- 
dered, two of his children and a negro woman mur- 
dered. His wife and five other children were suffer- 
ed to put on their clothes, and then he was allowed 
to dress and prepare for a long and sorrowful march. 
The enemy having plundered and burned the town, 
made an hasty retreat, fearing that they should be 
overtaken by a superior force. Mrs. Williams was 
hardly recovered from her lying-in, and was in a fee- 
ble state. On the second day she acquainted Mr. 
Williams that she could not keep pace with the ene- 
my any farther. He knew what would be the con- 
sequence. Words cannot express his wishes to be 
with and assist her ! But no leave could be obtain- 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 231 

ed. He was carried from her, and her savage mas- chap. 
ter soon plunged his hatchet in her head.* VL 

There were suspicions, that the Indians on the 1703 
eastern frontiers were plotting new mischiefs against 
the colonies. Governour Dudley therefore, with 
commissioners from two of the colonies, held a con- 
ference at Casco, with delegates from the tribes of 
the Norridgewock, Penobscot, Pigwacket, Pena- 
kook, and Amariscoggin Indians. They assured the 
governour, that, " As high as the sun is above the 
earth, so far distant was their design of making 
the least breach of the peace." As an expression of 
their sincerity they presented a belt of wampum. 
Both parties gave the strongest assurances of their 
peaceable and friendly purposes. The Indians de- 
clared the union " firm as the mountains, and" that 
it " should continue as long as the sun and moon." 

Notwithstanding on the 10th of August, a body Eastern 
of five hundred French and Indians, dividing into ments 
several parties, attacked all the settlements, from depopuia- 
Casco to Wells ; killed and took a hundred and thir- ^ Au ^ 
ty people, burning and destroying all before them.f 
Soon after a number more were killed at Hampton 
village. The whole country from Deerfield to Cas- 
co was kept in continual alarm and terror by small 
parties of the enemy. The women and children 
wefe obliged to retire into garrisons, the men to go 
armed to their labours, and constantly to post centi- 
nels in their fields. Troops of horse were posted, 
and large scouting parties, employed on the frontiers. 
Expeditions were undertaken to beat up the head 
quarters of the enemy, and to desolate their country. 
But when they were hunted in one place, they fled 
to another. Sometimes while the troops were seek- 
ing them in this quarter, they would be plundering 
and burning in another. The country was inter- 
spersed with such extensive groves, hideous swamps, 
and fastnesses, that notwithstanding the utmost vigi- 

* Hutch, vsl. ii. p. 138, 139. f Belknap's Hist, p, 330, 331. 



-232 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, lance and exertions,both of the soldiers and inhabitants, 
they would penetrate undiscovered far into the coun- 
1704. tr ) r > d° tne mischief they designed, and make their 
escape. 

Colonel Church, the next year, was despatched 
with about six hundred men, on an expedition into 
the eastern country. He destroyed the towns of 
Minas, Chignecto, and some other settlements on 
the eastern rivers. He also did considerable damage 
to the enemy at Penobscot and Passamaquoddy. He 
alarmed and insulted Port Royal. 
Attempt Three years after Massachusetts, Rhode Island, 
Rovai* 11 an d New Hampshire, with about a thousand men 
May 13th, made an attempt for the reduction of that fortress. 
1707. The arm y embarked at Nantasket in twenty three 
transports, under convoy of the Deptford man of 
war, and the Province Galley. Colonel March had 
May 26th. the chief command. In a few days the army arrived 
before Port Royal ; and landed in two divisions. 
Colonel March landed on the harbour side, with sev- 
en hundred men; and Colonel Appleton, with three 
hundred, on the other. As March advanced the next 
day, he was opposed by a party of French, posted on 
an eminence, with Subercase, the governour, at 
their head. He attacked them with such spirit, that 
the governour's horse was soon killed under him, 
and the party retreated. Colonel Appleton put the 
Canadians and Indians to flight on the other side. 
The out posts were driven in, and all the inhabitants 
forsook their habitations and retired to the fort. 
This was so strong and so well garrisoned with dis- 
ciplined troops, that it was determined, in a council 
of war, to be more than a match for their raw and 
undisciplined army. Therefore, after a destruction 
of French estates and settlements, about the fort, to 
June 7ih. a ver y considerable amount, the army re-embarked, 
and sailed to Casco Bay. Some officers went to 
Boston for further orders.* 

* Hutch. Hist. vol. ii. p. 165—171. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 233 

Governour Dudley, highly chagrined and angry, chap. 
ordered the troops to return to the place of action. 
On the 10th of August, after a sharp conflict with 170r " 
the enemy, they made good their landing. But nei- 
ther the land nor naval force was sufficient for the 
enterprise. The officers and men were dissatisfied 
with the service, as, in their opinion, there was no 
prospect of success. No means could inspire them 
with union and firmness. In about ten days they 
re-embarked, and returned sickly, disheartened, and 
ashamed. 

While this unfortunate expedition was in hand the 
frontiers were kept in continual alarm. Oyster riv- 
er, Exeter, Kingston, and Dover, in New Hampshire, 
Berwick, York, Wells, Winter-Harbour, Casco, and 
even the town of Marlborough, in Massachusetts, 
were alarmed and considerably damaged by the en- 
emy. 

Besides the expeditions mentioned, several winter 
campaigns were undertaken, and troops marched up 
the rivers to the principal towns and forts of the 
eastern Indians, but they found their towns and 
forts abandoned, and the enemy, for greater security 
drawn off to Canada. No very considerable blow 
could therefore be given them. It was computed, 
that every Indian killed or taken, during the war, 
cost the country a thousand pounds. 

Such were the distresses of the country in these 
times, that they are not easily described or conceiv- 
ed. While large quotas of their best men were in 
service abroad, the rest were harassed by the enemy, 
subjected to continual service in garrisons and scouts 
at home. The inhabitants could till no lands, but 
such as were within call of their forts and garrisoned 
houses. They lay down and rose up in fear, and 
procured their bread at the continual hazard of their 
lives. 

Canada was considered as the source of all these 1708. 
mischiefs, and the reduction of that as the only effect- 
ual remedy against them. The assembly of the 

Vol. I. 30 



1709. 



234 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. Massachusetts addressed her majesty on the subject, 
VI - praying for an armament from England to co-operate, 
in conjunction with the troops of the colonies, for 
the reduction of Canada. A plan was concerted by 
the ministry, not only for the reduction of Canada, 
but of Acadia and Newfoundland. Early the next 
spring, the earl of Sunderland communicated to the 
colonies her majesty's design. A requisition of two 
thousand seven hundred men was made of the colo- 
nies for this purpose. Twelve hundred from Mas- 
sachusetts andR hode Island, were to join a squad- 
ron of ships and five regular regiments from Eng- 
land, and make an attack upon Quebec. The oth- 
er fifteen hundred were to march by lake Cham- 
plain, and invest Montreal, at the same time the des- 
Expedi- cent should be made on Quebec. Colonel Nichols, 
tion to w h h a d b een deputy a^overnour of New York, and 
Wood r v • • • 4. ^ *. 4.', 

Greek. governour of Virginia, was appointed to tne com- 
mand of the land army, and marched to Wood 
Creek. The colonies, Pennsylvania excepted, made 
great exertions for the public service. Beside their 
quota, independent companies were raised and sent 
on to the army. More than a hundred battoes and 
as many birch canoes were constructed for crossing 
the lake. Three forts, several block houses, and 
stores for provisions, were erected. The colonies 
provided transports, boats, and provisions, as well as 
furnished and paid their men, at their own expense. 
The province of New York signalized herself by her 
zeal for the public service. Besides raising some 
independent companies, she procured and maintain- 
ed six hundred Indians of the Five Nations, and vic- 
tualled a thousand of their wives and children, at 
Albany, while they were employed in the campaign. 
The armament from England was to have been 
at Boston by the middle of May. But before it sail- 
ed the Portuguese were defeated, and the allies of 
England were reduced to very great straits. The 
force, therefore, which was designed for America, 
was ordered to Portugal, and the enterprise was de- 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 235 

feated. Great sickness and mortality prevailed in chap. 

the army at Wood Creek, and the general, receiving ' 

no intelligence of the armament from England, re- 1709 
turned to Albany. The troops were kept in pay 
till about the middle of October, when it was too 
late to employ them in any enterprise of importance. 

This fruitless business was a prodigious loss and 
expense to the colonies. The province of New 
York only expended more than twenty thousand 
pounds.* 

The expectations of the people had been wrought 
up to a high degree of assurance, that the expedition 
would be successful. They anticipated the fall of 
Canada, and an honourable issue of all their troubles. 
When therefore, from all this exertion and expense, 
they received nothing but loss and disappointment, 
their chagrin and depression were proportionably 
great. 

However the importance of driving the French 
out of Canada, and the necessity of immediate exer- 
tions to keep up the spirit and friendship of the 
Five Nations, which only could preserve the fron- 
tiers from becoming a field of blood, induced them 
to keep this object still in view. General Nicholson 
made a voyage to England to solicit assistance from 
the British court. 

The assembly of New York addressed queen Anne 
on the subject. Colonel Schuyler was so impress- 
ed with a sense of the necessity of prosecuting vig- 
orous measures against the French, and so extremely 
chagrined at the late disappointment, that he deter- 
mined on a voyage to England, at his own private 
expense, to represent to her majesty the absolute 
necessity of reducing Canada under the crown of 
Great Britain. He also determined to carry over 
with him five Indian chiefs, that they might impress 
the same on her majesty. No sooner were the as- 
sembly apprised of his design, than they resolved that 

* Smith's Hist. N. Y. 119, 120, 



236 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, he should be the man to present the address of the 

governour, council, and general assembly to her maj- 

1709. est y- The arrival of the Indian sachems in England, 
was matter of great curiosity and noise through the 
kingdom. Her majesty dressed them in the English 
manner, and, instead of a blanket, they had each a 
scarlet cloth mantle, edged with gold, thrown over 
AT 1710 tne * r otner garments. In this dress they were intro- 
duced into the royal presence. They represented 
the long wars, which, in conjuction with her children, 
they had waged against their enemies, the French : 
That they had been a strong wall of defence to them, 
even to the loss of their best men : That when, they 
heard their great queen was about to send an army 
to Canada, with one consent, they joyfully hung up 
the kettle and took up the hatchet, and assisted col- 
onel Nicholson. They declared, that the reduction 
of Canada was of so great weight to their free hun- 
ting, that if their great queen should not be mindful 
of them, they must, with their families, forsake their 
country, and seek other habitations, or stand neuter, 
either of which would be much against their inclina- 
tions.* Nicholson and Schuyler used their utmos. 
influence with her majesty, for the same purpose. 

An expedition against Canada, it seems, was again 
in contemplation. In July commodore Martin arriv- 
ed at Boston, in the Dragon, with the Falmouth, a 
bomb ship, tender, and two or three transports. 
With commodore Martin, Nicholson, Schuyler, and 
the Indian kings returned. It was expected that this 
squadron would have been joined, by a fleet under 
lord Shannon, who, in July, was under sailing orders 
for America. But the westerly winds, it seems, pre- 
vented his sailing till the season was too far advanc- 
ed. The reduction of Port Royal therefore became 
the only object of the campaign. 
Sspt.i8th. In September a fleet sailed from Boston, consisting 
of three fourth rates, the Dragon, Chester, and Falv 

* Smith's Hist. N. Y. p. 121, 122, 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 237 

mouth, of two fifth rates, the LoostafF and Feversham, chap. 

with the Star bomb and province galley, fourteen 

transports in the pay of Massachusetts, five in that of l710 
Connecticut, two in the pay of New Hampshire, and Expedi- 
three in that of Rhode Island, designed for Port t,on *' 

#■■» gainst 

Royal and the coasts of Nova- Scotia. These, with Port Roy- 
the tender and transports from England, made thirty al * 
six sail. Commodore Martin in the Dragon com- 
manded the whole. The army consisted of a regi- 
ment of marines, commanded by colonel Redding ; 
of four regiments raised in New- England ; two com- 
manded by Sir Charles Hobby and colonel Tailer of 
Massachusetts, one by colonel Whiting of Connect- 
icut, and the other by colonel Walton of New Hamp- 
shire. Nicholson was general. On the 24th, the 
fleet and army arrived at Port Royal. The troops 
landed without opposition, and made an easy con- 
quest. On the 21st of October the engineers open- 
ed three batteries, of two mortars and twenty four 
cohorns in the whole. The Star bomb at the same 
time plying the enemy with her shells. The next sun-en- 
day Monsieur Subercase surrendered the fort and ders > 0ct 

• 99 

c juntry to the crown of Britain. General Nichol- 
SDn left a sufficient garrison under the command of 
colonel Vetch, his adjutant general, who was appoint- 
ed to the government of the country. From this 
time the name of the port was changed to Annapolis- 
royal.* 

Besides the troops employed in this expedition, 
the colonies had considerable bodies of men scouring 
the woods during the whole summer. Colonel Wal- 
ton after his return from Annapolis, with a hundred 
and seventy men ranged the eastern country, killed 
the sachem of Norridgewock and some other Indians. 
The enemy notwithstanding did mischief in various 
places. 

Nicholson, animated with his late success at An- 
napolis and some other at Newfoundland, went again 

* Hutch. Hist. vol. ii. p. 180—184. 



2tf8 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap to England, to solicit another expedition against Can- 
ada. The country in general had no expectation 
lm that his solicitations would be successful. They did 
not imagine that queen Anne's new tory ministry 
would attempt any thing of that nature for New-En- 
gland. But, contrary to all expectation, the matter 

June 8. was resumed. In June general Nicholson arrived 
at Boston with the news that a fleet might soon be 
expected from England, and with orders, from her 

Canada majesty, that the several governments of New-Eng- 

tion. e ' land, New York, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania, 
should have their quotas in immediate readiness for 
the expedition. 

A general meeting of the governours of the sever- 
al colonies was immediately appointed at New Lon- 
don. Within sixteen days after the arrival of gener- 

june 24, al Nicholson, the fleet arrived at Boston. But very 
extraordinary it was, that the fleet had neither pro- 
visions nor pilots. Ten weeks provisions were re- 
quired, at Boston, for the army. Before this it had 
been suspected, that it was not designed, that Cana- 
da should be reduced. These circumstances much 
increased the suspicion. It was doubted whether 
in the then state of the country, it were possible, in 
so short a time, as was necessary, to procure such a 
quantity of provisions. There was, at the same time 
a suspicion, that if the expedition should miscarry, 
that the blame was to be thrown upon New-Eng- 
land. Whether this suspicion was well grounded 
or not, sure it is, that it had great influence, togeth- 
er with the zeal which the colonies had for the ser- 
vice, to draw forth their utmost exertions. When 
the fleet arrived the general court of Massachusetts 
was convened at Boston, and the governours were 
met at New London, to concert measures for for- 
warding the expedition, with the greatest harmony 
and despatch. A punctual compliance with her maj- 
esty's orders, was universally recommended. Not 
only the governments, but private persons exerted 
themselves beyond what had been known upon any 



1711. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 23# 

other occasion. The assembly of Massachusetts is- chap. 
sued bills of credit to the amount of forty thousand VI 
pounds, and that of New York to the amount of ten 
thousand.* Acts were made stating the price of all 
articles of provision, necessary for the army, and even 
for impressing them wherever they could be found. 
In a little more than a month, from the arrival of the 
fleet, the new levies and provisions were ready. On 
the 30th of July, the fleet, consisting of fifteen men 
of war, twelve from England, and three which hud 
been before stationed in America, forty transports, 
six store ships, a fine train of artillery, and all manner 
of warlike stores, sailed from Boston for Canada. 
The land army on board consisted of five regiments, 
from England and Flanders, and two regiments rais- 
ed in Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and New Hamp- 
shire, amounting in the whole nearly to seven thous- 
and men. The fleet was commanded by Sir Hoven- 
den Walker, and the army by brigadier Hill, broth- 
er to Mrs. Masham, the queen's favourite, after the 
disgrace of the dutchess of Marlborough. The land 
force, in number, was about equal to that, which, 
under general Wolfe, reduced Quebec ; though, at 
this time it was not half so strong, as it was when re- 
duced by that general. 

Not long after the sailing of the fleet general Nich- 
olson appeared at Albany at the head of four thous- 
and men, from the colonies of Connecticut, New 
York, and New Jersey. The regiments were com- 
manded by colonels Whiting, Schuyler, and Ingolds- 
by. Colonel Schuyler had procured six hundred of 
the Five Nations. More than this, in so short a time, 
could not have been reasonably expected. 

On the 14th of August the admiral arrived in the 
mouth of St. Lawrence. But that he might not lose 
the company of the transports, as was pretended, he 
put into the bay of Gaspy, where he continued till the 
20th of the month. On the 22d, two days after, he 

* Hutch. Hist. vol. ii. p. 190, 197. Smith's Hist. N.Y. p. 128, 131. 



240 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



1711. 



Ship- 
wreck in 
St. Law- 
rence, 
Aug-. 22. 



chap, sailed from the bay, the fleet appeared to be in the 

utmost' danger. It was without soundings, without 

sight of land ; the sky was darkened with a thick t \>g, 
and the wind was high at east south east. In this 
situation the fleet brought to, with the heads of the 
ships to the southward. This was clone with an ex- 
pectation, that the stream would drive them into the 
midst of the channel. But, instead of this, about 
midnight, the seamen discovered, that the fleet was 
driven on the north shore among rocks and islands, 
on the verge of a total shipwreck. Eight or nine 
of the British transports, on board of which were 
about seventeen hundred officers and soldiers, were 
cast away. Nearly a thousand men were lost. The 
admiral and general saved themselves by anchoring ; 
but such was the violence of the storm, that they 
lost several anchors. On this disaster the fleet re- 
turned to Spanish river bay, where in a council, both 
of land and naval officers, it was unanimously deter- 
mined, that as they had but ten weeks provisions, 
and could not expect a supply from New-England, 
to make no further attempts. The fleet sailed for 
England, and on the 9th of October, arrived at Ports- 
mouth. Here the fleet suffered another misfortune. 
The Edgar, a 70 gun ship blew up, having on board 
four hundred men, besides many persons who came 
on a visit to their friends. As the cause of this event 
was wholly unknown, jealous minds were not with- 
out suggestions, that even this was not without 
design. 

It was pretended that both the English and French 
pilots advised to the fleets coming to, in the manner 
it did, when the transports were lost ; but the pilots, 
from New- England, declared, upon oath, that they 
gave no such advice. If any such advice was given 
it must have been by the French pilots, on board, 
either upon design or through mistake. Charlevoix 
says, " there was on board the admiral, a French 
prisoner, one Paradis, an old seaman who was per- 
fectly acquainted with the river St. Lawrence : this 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 04J 

man cautioned him, when he was off the seven chap. 
islands, not to venture too near the land, and he VL 
obliged him to make frequent tacks and keep near the 17U 
wind, which did not favour him. At length the admiral, 
tired out, and, perhaps, suspecting the pilot only de- 
signed to wear out his men, refused to come to stays," 
and so was driven ashore. Thus other accounts 
were entirely different from the admiral's. But the 
blame, at any rate, was imputed wholly to New-Eng- 
land. No notice was taken of the exertions of the 
colonies, nor of the extraordinary measures to sup- 
ply the army : measures to which, probably, nei- 
ther the people of England, nor even of Ireland would 
have submitted. 

The whigs in England, in general, censured the 
ministry for their conduct respecting this expedition. 
When the plan of it was concerted the parliament 
was sitting, yet it was never laid before the members. 
It was said that this was for the greater secrecy, and 
that for the same reason the army were not victual- 
led. But lord Harley represents the whole affair, as 
a contrivance of Boilingbroke, More, and the lord 
chancellor, Harcourt, to cheat the public of twenty- 
thousand pounds. Lord Harcourt was pleased to 
say, " No government was worth serving that would 
not admit of such advantageous jobs." Another 
English writer observes upon it, that, "If the minis- 
try were sincere in the prosecution of the war, they 
were certainly the most consummate blunderers that 
ever undertook the government of state."* 

General Nicholson had not proceeded far on his 
inarch, before he received intelligence of the loss 
sustained by the fleet, and the army soon returned. 

The marquis De Vandreuil, governour of Canada, 
received intelligence of the arrival of the fleet from 
England, and of the preparations making in the colo- 
nies for the invasion of his country, and had omitted 
nothing in his power to put it in the best state of de- 

* Rider's Hist, of England, vol. xxxii. p. 189, 190. 

Vol. I. 31 



243 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



1711. 



chap, fence. No sooner was he apprised of so many ships 
VL wrecked, and so many bodies with red coats driven 
upon the shore, and that the river was clear of ships, 
than he ordered the whole strength of Canada to- 
wards Montreal and lake Champlain. At Chambly, 
he formed a camp of three thousand men, to oppose 
general Nicholson. Had the general crossed the 
lake, it might have been difficult for him to return. 

Very providential it was, that the provincial trans- 
ports were all preserved. A small victualler only 
was cast away, but her crew were saved. Yet the 
loss and disappointment were exceedingly grievous 
to the colonies. After so many attempts had been 
blasted, some pious minds gave up all expecta- 
tions of the conquest of Canada. They imagined 
that it was not the design of Providence that this 
northern continent should belong wholly to any one 
European nation.* 

Upon the return of general Nicholson's army, and 
the report of Vandreuil's force, the inhabitants of the 
country were not only disappointed, but thrown in- 
to a state of general fear and alarm. They were ap- 
prehensive, that the enemy in different parties, by 
different routes, would, with redoubled fury, harass 
and desolate the frontiers. New York kept part of 
her troops in pay the ensuing winter, for the repair 
and defence of their out posts. The New England 
colonies took proper measures for their defence. 
Colonel Walton was sent, with considerable force, 
as far as Penobscot ; where it was expected the en- 
emy would make an attack. He burned several of 
the enemy's vessels, designed for privateers, and took 
some prisoners. 

Though the expedition against Canada was unsuc- 
cessful, yet it probably prevented the fall of Annapolis- 
royal into the hands of the enemy. Such had been 
the mortality among the soldiers, that of the four or 
five hundred New Englandmen left to garrison the 

* Hutch, vol. ii. p. 193, 196. Smith's Hist. N. Y. p. 150, 131. 



1711. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 243 

fort, not more than one in five survived. The gar- chap. 
rison was reduced to a handful of men. They were 
in fear even of the Acadians alone, without any ad- 
ditional force. The French court, sensible of their 
mistake, in not paying a more particular attention to 
that country while it was in their hands, had sent 
pressing orders to Vandreuil to exert himself for its 
recovery. Troops were raised and on the point of 
marching from Canada for this purpose, when the 
news of the arrival of the British fleet, and of the 
preparations in New- England reached him ; and 
they were detained, at home, for the defence of Can- 
ada. The French inhabitants of Acadia, having in- 
telligence of the force designed for their assistance, 
grew so insolent, that it was not safe for an English- 
man to go from the fort. But as soon as they 
knew, that the force which they expected was coun- 
termanded, they acknowledged their faults and be- 
came submissive. At the same time, however, they 
acquainted Vandreuil, that their submission was a 
matter of mere necessity, and that the French king- 
had no better subjects than they were. 

Sometime after, captain Pigeon, one of the regular 
officers, going up the river to destroy some French 
houses, and to cut timber for the repairs of the fort, 
was surprised by a great number of Indians, who 
killed the major of the fort, the engineer, and the 
whole boat's crew, besides taking nearly forty of the 
garrison prisoners. This stroke so encouraged the 
Acadians, that they again took up arms. Five hun- 
dred of them, with as many Indians as they could 
collect made preparations for attacking the fort. 
They expected to have been headed by an experi- 
enced officer from Placentia. But the governour 
was not able to afford them any assistance, and they 
laid down their arms.* 

Early the next spring the enemy began their de- 171; 
predations on the frontiers. They made spoil on 

a Hutch. Hist, vol, ii. p. 19? 



244 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. Oyster river, Exeter, Kittery, York, and Wells. 

'' The frontiers this year were well guarded, in some 

1712. °f tne c °l° n ies, one half of the militia were on duty 
in the garrisons and ready to march at a minute's 
warning. Scouts were kept out ranging from one 
post to another. On the eastern coast, spy-boats 
were constantly employed, to watch and to give notice 
of the appearances and motions of the enemy.* 
Nevertheless, the countenance of public affairs, wore 
an uncommon gloom. Though numbers of the en- 
emy were killed and the country was guarded with 
such spirit and vigilance, scattering parties of the 
enemy murdered more or less of the inhabitants, 
both on the eastern and northern frontiers. The 
French emissaries were daily seducing the Five Na- 
tions from the British interest. The late ill success 
gave powerful influence to their solicitations. The 
Senacas, Shawanese, and even the Catt's Kill In- 
dians, became disaffected ; so that there was a gen- 
eral apprehension of their falling on the inhabitants, 
and desolating die country all along upon Hudson's 
river, f 
March But the pacification of Utrecht, the next year, re- 

sist, 1713. lieved the apprehensions of the country, and put a 
welcome period to a ten years most expensive and 
distressing Avar. By the treaty of peace France ced- 
ed Newfoundland, Nova Scotia, New-Britian, Hud- 
son's Bay, and the French part of the island of St. 
Christophers to Great Britain. It was also stipu- 
lated, that "the subjects of France inhabiting Cana- 
da, and others shall hereafter give no hindrance or" 
molestation to the Five Nations, or cantons of In- 
dians subject to the dominion of Great Britian, nor 
to the other nations of America, who are friends to 
the same." By this article, the French gave up all 
claim to die Five Nations and to all parts of their 
territories ; and, as far as it respected them, entitled 

* Belknap, p. ,356. j Smith's Hist. N. Y. p. 133.. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 245 

the British crown, to the sovereignty of the coun- chap. 
try. 

After the peace was known in America, the east- i 7 i 2 . 
crn Indians sent a flag and desired peace. The Peace 
governour of Massachusetts, with his council, and ^ans* 
that of New Hampshire, met them at Portsmouth ; juiy 13th. 
where, by their chiefs and deputies, they renewed 
articles of submission and pacification, asking par- 
don for their perfidy and rebellion, and promising, 
for the future, to demean themselves as faithful sub- 
jects of the crown of Great Britian. 

Though, in these long and distressing wars the 
colonies and churches of New England and New 
York were grievously chastised, yet they were not 
forsaken. In various respects the care and good- 
ness of Providence were conspicuous. These were 
to be seen in the admirable preservation of their cap- 
tivated countrymen, sons, daughters, and dearest 
connexions ; in their tedious marches to the remote 
settlements of the Indians, and to Canada ; in the 
kindness of the French in purchasing them out of 
the hands of barbarians, and making their captivity 
comfortable by humane and generous treatment ; 
and in restoring such numbers of them, after a long- 
captivity, to the embraces of friends and the bosom 
of their country. These were manifest in their sup- 
port under such an accumulation of evils, and of 
such long continuance : and especially, in those in- 
terpositions, which apparently delivered them from 
destruction, at times, when it could not have been 
done, but by that Power only which is more than 
human. The same were conspicuous in the season- 
ableness of the peace and its great advantages to the 
country. 

For about five and twenty years the colonies had 
enjoyed hardly four years peace. During more than 
twenty years of this long term there had been no peace 
to him who went out or came in, to him who slept 
or awoke. For several years of the war hot less than 
a fifth part of all the inhabitants, able to bear arms, 



246 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, were in actual service ; and at sometimes half of the 

— militia. Those who were not in service, were oblig- 

1713. e d to guard their own fields and families at home, 
and were subject to constant alarms. The fields 
were untilled, and fine extensive tracts desolated. 
The loss of men was great. Few families were so 
happy as not to be in mourning, either for their slain 
or captivated friends. The resources of the country 
were exceedingly diminished and its debts were 
enormous. The aspect of affairs grew more and more 
gloomy. In these circumstances, what could be 
more seasonable, or a greater blessing than peace ? 
Remarkably providential was it, that when a most 
abandoned ministry were at helm, and the peace for 
the nation in general, was much less favourable than 
might have been expected, that such ample territo- 
ries were ceded to the English, in America, and such 
advantages were procured for the colonies, both with 
respect to fishery and commerce. 

Our fathers saw these events and were glad. In 
their most public solemnities they celebrated them 
with admiration and praise. Will they not ever chal- 
lenge of their posterity a religious remembrance, as 
important parts of that great chain of events, by 
which, under the divine administration, have been 
handed down to them, their extensive country, their 
distinguished privileges and happiness ? 

The country had already, by their wars, been re- 
tarded in wealth, in extent of settlement, in popula- 
tion and literature, not less than twenty-five or thir- 
ty years. 

The country in general, in twenty, or at farthest 
in twenty-five years, doubled its inhabitants : yet 
such were the losses sustained by the Massachusetts 
and New Hampshire in particular, that after the pa- 
cification, in 1713, there were not double the num- 
ber of inhabitants, within the limits of the two col- 
onies, that there were half a century before. At a 
moderate computation, not less than five or six thou- 
sand of young men, the flower of the country, in 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 247 

those colonies, fell by the sword of the enemy, or chap. 
by diseases contracted in the public service.* In the 
whole of New England and New York the numbers, j- r> 
probably, were not less than eight or nine thousand. 
Nine tenths of these, it is reasonable to suppose, 
might have been heads of families, and in forty years 
have increased to a hundred and fifty thousand 
souls. 

The support of the war, of civil government, of a 
regular and constant worship of the Supreme Being 
in the churches, undoubtedly, occasioned an annual 
burden greater than any felt, by any other subjects 
of Great Britian. Under this pressure our venera- 
ble ancestors had not the least relief nor compensa- 
tion from the crown. Surely great were their mer- 
it and magnanimity, and ought to be had in perpet- 
ual remembrance and admiration. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Expedition against St. Augustine. Defeat of the French in Carolina. 
Palatines settle in North Carolina. Massacre by the Corees and Tus- 
cororas. Expedition against them. General conspiracy of the In- 
dians against the Carolinians War with them. Distressed state of 
the colony. It revolts from the proprietary government and effects 
a revolution. Under the government of Great Britain enjoyed safe- 
ty, prosperity, and general satisfaction. 

NEW ENGLAND and New York were not alone 
in the distresses of queen Anne's war. Carolina, 
which was then the southern frontier, had her full 
share in its expenses and dangers. Immediately af- 
ter the commencement of hostilities, between Eng- 
land and Spain, governour Moore, thirsting for Spanish 
gold and plunder, used all his influence with the as- 
sembly to engage them in an expedition against St. 
Augustine. Numbers of the principal members 
were against the measure ; but the governour and 

* Hutch. Hist. vol. ii. p. 201. 



248 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

Chap. hi s party obtained a majority in the house; and two 

thousand pounds sterling was voted for the expedi- 

1702. tlon ' An army of twelve hundred men, one half 
Expedi- militia, and the other half Indians were raised and 
wlnst st armec * f° r tne enterprise. A sufficient quantity of 
Augus- shipping was impressed for the transportation of the 
ime, 1702. arm y ? stores, and provisions. Colonel Daniel, an 
enterprising officer, with a party of the militia and 
Indians, marched by land, while the governour, with 
the main body, proceeded by water. Daniel arrived 
before the governour, entered and plundered the 
town. But the Spaniards having been apprised of 
the expedition, had laid in four months provisions in 
the castle ; to which on his approach they repaired 
with all their money and most valuable effects. On 
the arrival of the governour with the main body, 
the harbour was blocked up, and the castle com- 
pletely invested, with a force against which, the ene- 
my could make no appearance. They therefore 
kept themselves snug in their fortress. The govern- 
our had no artillery sufficient to dislodge them, and 
therefore found himself under the necessity of dis- 
patching colonel Daniel to Jamaica for cannon, mor- 
tars, and shells for that purpose. Before his return 
two large Spanish ships appearing off the mouth of 
the harbour, struck the governour with such a panic, 
that he instantly raised the siege, and abandoning his 
shipping, made a precipitate retreat into Carolina. 
Instead of enriching himself with gold and plunder, 
which was one principal object of the expedition, 
the ships, provisions, and military stores, became the 
booty of his enemies. Colonel Daniel, having no 
• intelligence that the siege was raised, on his return, 
stood in for the harbour of St. Augustine, and very 
narrowly escaped the enemy. 

In consequence of this rash and unfortunate enter- 
prise, a debt of six thousand pounds sterling was 
entailed on that then poor colony. This gave rise 
to the first paper currency in Carolina. The defeat 
of the enterprise and the ill effects of the currency 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 249 

united their influence to fill the colony with dissen- chap. 
tion and tumult. The governour, instead of sharing VIL 
heaps of gold, had a large portion of public odium 1709 , 
and reproach. 

Soon after a new calamity arose. The Appala- 
chian Indians, in consequence of their connexions 
with the Spaniards, became insolent and hostile. An E *pedi- 
expedition against them became necessary. Govern- Jahistthe 
our Moore, at the head of a body of white men Appaia- 
and Indian allies, marched into the heart of their set- chians 
tlements. The towns of those tribes, who lived be- 
tween the rivers Alatamaha and Savannah were laid 
in ashes. Many of the savages were captivated, and 
others obliged to submit to the English government. 
By this expedition the governour served two pur- 
poses of considerable importance to himself. He 
wiped away the reproach and odium occasioned by 
the former ; and, by employing the Indian captives 
in cultivating his fields, or selling them for his pri- 
vate advantage, he obtained a handsome personal 
emolument."* 

Though this enterprise was successful, yet dan- 
gers more alarming arose from another quarter. In 
1707 the colony was thrown into a state of general 7 ' 
consternation and distress, by the news of a designed 
invasion from the French and Spaniards. No soon- 
er was this intelligence received than every precau- 
tion in the power of the colony, was taken for its 
defence. The militia were mustered and trained ; 
the fortifications at Charleston were repaired ; 
-Tames island was fortified, trenches were opened at 
White Point ; and at such other places as were judg- 
ed necessary. The colony, nevertheless, was in a 
feeble state to resist a powerful and enterprising 
enemy. 

The necessity of all their exertions and precaution French in- 
yoon appeared. Monsieur le Feboure, captain of a h ^ eCar °* 

* History of Cav. p. 153, 157. 
Vol. I. 32 



250 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. French frigate, with four armed sloops, appeared off 
Charleston bar. The French had been assisted in 
17Q7% their enterprise by the governours of Havannah and 
St. Augustine. The land army consisted of about 
eight hundred men, under the command of Mon- 
sieur Arbuset. Le Feboure had received intelli- 
gence that great sickness prevailed at Charleston, 
and, imagining that this might prevent the marching 
of the troops of the country into it, he sailed sooner 
from St. Augustine than otherwise he would have 
done, expecting to take the town without opposition. 
In this haste, it seems the general, Arbuset, was left 
to come on with as much expedition as possible. 
On the appearance of the enemy, signals from the 
shore announced their arrival and the number of their 
ships. On the first day of their arrival they hovered 
on the coast without passing the bar. The next day 
was spent in sounding the south bar. This delay 
was of the utmost consequence to the colony, as it 
gave time to alarm the country, and march the mili- 
tia to the town. Sir Nathaniel Johnson was now 
governour, a man excelling in courage and military 
skill, and by his presence he checked the general 
consternation of the people, inspired them with fresh 
courage, and roused them to action. The next 
morning after the enemy had sounded the bar, they, 
with four ships and a galley, with a fair wind and 
tide, crossed the bar and sailed directly for the town. 
But when they had advanced as far up the river, as 
to discover the fortifications, they stopped short, and 
casting anchor a little above Sullivan's island, sent 
a flag, demanding a surrender of the town. By this 
time the militia were generally collected, at or near 
the town, and a number of Indian allies were come 
in for its defence. Besides a privateer, which lay in 
the harbour, guns were put on board five other small 
ships, and the gallant sailors were directed, in their own 
way, to assist in the defence of the town. The govern- 
our therefore answered the flag, that it was his determi- 
nation to defend the town to the last extremity. On 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. g51 

the reception of this answer, the enemy seemed to chap. 

hesitate, and, instead of advancing towards the town, [_ 

kept their station and effected nothing that day. The 17Q7 
next, they landed a party on James' island, and 
burnt a village by the river's side. Another party 
went ashore on the opposite side of the river, and 
plundered and burnt all before them. The next day 
the enemy were driven from James' island ; and the 
other party, consisting of about a hundred and sixty, 
were surprised by the militia, and mostly either kill- 
ed, wounded, or taken. 

This success so animated the Carolinians, that 
they determined to try their fortune by sea, as well 
as upon the land. The ships were commanded by 
William Rhett, a man of spirit and conduct. With 
his little squadron he set sail, and bore down upon 
the enemy ; but, instead of preparing for action, they French 
immediately weighed anchor, recrossed the bar, and (lefeatecl - 
soon disappeared. Such was the precipitation with 
which Monsieur le Feboure made his departure, that 
a scattering party was left on shore and taken. 

Some days after, Monsieur Arbuset appeared on 
the coast, with a ship of force, and landed a number 
of men at Sewee bay. Rhett with the privateer and 
an armed sloop put to sea, and sailed for the bay. 
Captain Fenwick, at the same time, crossed the river 
and marched to attack the enemy by land. He 
found them advantageously posted, but after a brisk 
and sharp fire they gave way and fled to their ship. 
Rhett soon coming to his assistance, took the ship 
and about ninety prisoners. Among these was 
Monsieur Arbuset, commander in chief by land, and 
a number of sea officers. These, together, offered 
ten thousand pieces of eight for their ransom. 

Thus ended Monsieur Feboure's invasion of South 
Carolina; little to his own honour, and as little to the 
credit of his men. The militia conducted them- 
selves with great spirit, and their exertions were 
crowned with uncommon success. Of eight hun- 



252 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, dred men who came against the colony nearly three 
hundred were either killed or taken prisoners.* 
170? r The divine interposition was very conspicuous in 

this happy event. The Carolinians, in letters which 
they wrote to their friends on the subject, represent- 
ed their deliverance as marvellous. Feboure's sail- 
ing too hastily, before he was prepared for the enter- 
prise, and leaving general Arbuset to come after him, 
were happy circumstances for the Carolinians. As 
this was in consequence of the intelligence which he 
had received of the mortality at Charleston, this 
circumstance, contrary to all human expectation or 
foresight, seems to have had a principal share in de- 
feating the enemy. It brought them on presumptu- 
ously without necessary preparation, and was of no 
essential disservice, with respect to the defence of 
the town. Though the governour, at first, marched 
the militia only to the environs of it ; yet, as soon as 
it became necessary ; he, notwithstanding the sick- 
ness, ordered them in for its defence. The delay of 
the enemy after they appeared off the bar, their hesi- 
tation on receiving the governour's answer, their land- 
ing their men in small parties, instead of making a 
general attack with their whole force, were all cir- 
cumstances as favourable to the Carolinians as 
if they themselves had planned the whole affair. The 
panic which seized the enemy at the approach of 
Rhett's little squadron ; the ignorance of general Ar- 
buset of what had happened when he came on the 
coast ; the landing of his party and the stay they 
made, seemed not less providential than if they had 
all been particularly designed by the Supreme Ruler 
to give the province a signal triumph, and a striking 
demonstration that the councils of the enemy had 
been turned into foolishness. 
j une> In 1709, about six or seven thousand Palatines were 

1709. transported into England. As they had been perse- 
cuted by the French, and driven from their country., 

• Hist. S. Carolina, vol. i. p. 180— 181* 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 25$ 

on the account of their religion, they were recom- chap. 
mended as peculiar objects of charity. Queen Anne's 
exemplary liberality to these people was not less ser- 1709 
viceable to the colonies than beneficial to themselves. 
As by the tedious wars in Germany, they had been 
reduced to circumstances of great indigence and mis- 
ery, her majesty assisted them in making settlements 
in America. On application to the proprietaries a 
considerable body of them were encouraged to make 
settlements in Carolina. Ships were prepared for 
their transportation ; and governour Tynte, who then 
presided over the colony, had instructions to provide 
for every man, woman, and child, a hundred acres 
of land free of all quitrents for ten years, and that 
the rent annually should never be more than one pen- 
ny per acre.* The territory granted them was in Palatines 
North Carolina, on Roanoke, in the counties of Al- ^"rthCar- 
bemarle and Bath. Here commenced a third con- oiina, 
siderable settlement in that colony. f 171 °- 

The same year, nearly three thousand of the same 
people, came over with governour Hunter to New 
York. Some settled in the city, where they built the 
old Lutheran church. Others settled on a pleas- 
ant tract of several thousand acres, in Livingston's 
manor. Some others went into Pennsylvania. The 
flattering accounts of the country, which they trans- 
mitted to Germany, was the occasion of the transmi- 
gration of so many thousands of their countrymen, 
afterwards into that province. They were protestants; 
some were men of wealth, and all well affected to 
the government. In the several governments in 
which they settled, they have been industrious and 
peaceable. 

But scarcely had those who settled in North Car- 
olina, seated themselves comfortably in a hideous 
wilderness, and begun to please themselves with the 
prospects of liberty and peace, when they were over- 
taken with a miserable destruction. 

* Hist, of S» Car. vol. i. 199. f Sec its history in a subsequent chapter, 



254 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. Though it had been strongly recommended to the 
Carolinians to take all the Indians, within four 
1710 hundred miles of Charleston, under their protec- 
tion, and to treat them in the most friendly manner ; 
yet neither the assembly, nor the people would com- 
ply with the recommendation. The friends of those, 
who had been tortured and slain by the Indians, 
were so incensed against them, that they breathed 
nothing but vengeance and implacable resentment. 
Besides other acts of violence, the people, at some 
periods, had, without restraint, kidnapped and shipped 
them off to the West Indies.* The remembrance of 
past injuries, and the encroachments which they saw 
making by new settlements, probably, induced them to 
1712. form a general conspiracy against these new planters, 
Gonspira- an d soon after against the whole province. Those pow- 
indians. erful tribes, the Corees and Tuscaroras, with other In- 
dians, united with a determination, to expel all the 
European intruders. Their plan was formed with 
admirable cunning and secrecy. For the security 
of their own families, they surrounded their princi- 
pal town with a breast- work. Here the warriors of 
different tribes met, to the number of twelve hun- 
dred bow- men. The plan which they had concert- 
ed was, all on the same night, to begin their work 
Massacre of destruction. When the fatal night came, they is- 
of the Pal sue d OLlt m different parties, and on different roads, 
and coming under the mask of friendship, almost at 
the same instant, to the houses of the planters, mur- 
dered men, women, and children, without mercy or 
distinction. To prevent the spreading of an alarm, 
they ran, like bloody tygers, from house to house, 
carrying death and carnage wherever they came. 
None knew what had happened on that dreadful 
night to his hapless neighbours, till the barbarians 
brought destruction to his own doors. About Roa- 
noke, in one night, a hundred and thirty seven of 
the inhabitants fell a sacrifice to their savage fury. 

* Hist, of S. Car. vol. i. p. 91, 92. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 255 

A Swiss baron and a great part of the Palatines were chap. 

among this unhappy number. Some escaped and * 

gave the alarm, next morning, to their neighbours. 1712 . 
This prevented the total destruction of these infant 
settlements. The people were all collected at one 
place, and, night and day, the militia kept watch 
around them. 

No sooner had the news of this sad disaster reach- 
ed South Carolina, than governour Craven, with 
great exertion and despatch, raised an army of near- 
ly a thousand men. It consisted of six hundred 
militia, and of three hundred and sixty six Indians 
of various tribes. Colonel Barnwell commanded 
the whole. Hideous were the woods through which 
it was necessary for the colonel to pass, that he might 
give seasonable relief to his distressed countrymen. 
Neither could horses pass with carriages, nor could 
the men carry their arms and the provisions necessa- 
ry for their support. The Indians by hunting, fur- 
nished them with provisions, on their march. The 
colonel came up with the enemy, and, after a consid- 
erable action, entirely defeated them. Three hun- 
dred were slain, and a hundred taken prisoners. No 
sooner had the Tuscaroras made their escape to their 
fortified town, than the colonel surrounded, and, with 
great spirit, attacked them. After numbers had 
been slain the remainder capitulated. It was com- 
puted that nearly a thousand of the enemy were kill- 
ed, wounded, and taken. Colonel Barnwell's loss 
was not very considerable. Five of the militia only 
were slain and not a large number wounded. Thirty 
six Indians w ? ere killed, and nearly seventy wounded. 

On this severe chastisement the Tuscaroras fled 
their country, and were incorporated with the Five 
Nations.* 

Singular mercies were here to be seen in the midst 
of judgment That there was not a general conspir- 
acy and rising among the Indians in South, as well 

* Hist. S. Car. vol. i. p. 201, 203. Colden's Hist. vol. i. p. 5. 



256 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 
VII. 

1712. 



General 
conspira- 
cy and 
rising of 
the In- 
dmnsl715 



as North, Carolina, as soon after happened ; that so 
many of them should offer themselves, and act so 
friendly and faithful a part, in the defence of the 
country, could be owing to nothing hut a divine in- 
fluence. To what could the safe conduct of the ar- 
my, through a horrible wilderness, and the victories 
won, be ascribed, but to a divine interposition ? To 
what other cause could it be ascribed, that the re- 
mains of the slaughtered settlements, should, with 
such wisdom and fortitude, defend themselves till 
they were succoured by their neighbours ? Their 
magnanimity and spirit of defence were eminent. 

The assembly voted four thousand pounds for the 
service of the war. Governour Craven, who had 
but lately been invested with the government, was a 
man of great integrity, wisdom, and courage, and 
seemed providentially to have been fixed at the helm 
for such a time ; and for the still more stormy sea- 
son which soon after commenced. By his wisdom 
and justice he conciliated the affections and gained 
the confidence of the people. The elections were 
again conducted with regularity, without riot and 
tumult. 

But scarcely had the people forgotten their former 
sorrows, and emerged from the late dangers and ex- 
pense, when others far more general and threatening 
arose. The Yamosees, a powerful tribe of Indians, 
the Creeks, Cherokees, Appalachians, Catawbaws, 
Congarees, and all the Indian tribes from Florida to 
Cape Fear river, formed a conspiracy for the total 
extirpation of the Carolinians. The 15th of April, 
1715, was fixed upon, as the day of general destruc- 
tion. With such secrecy and appearances of friend- 
ship was the affair managed, that the English imag- 
ined that all was peace and safety. Even the tra- 
ders slept, the preceeding night, with the king and 
war-captains in the chief town of the Yamosees. All 
was peace and silence till the dreadful morning rose. 
Then, all on a sudden, as the day broke, the traders, 
one man and boy excepted, were slain by one vol- 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 257 

ley. The war captains were instantly out in arms Chap. 
calling upon their fellows, and proclaiming in their VIL 
terrible manner the designs of their vengeance. The m5 * 
young warriors in a flame of passion flew to their Destmc- 
arms, and like a conflagration bore down all before ^Imt ^ 
them. In a few hours they massacred about a hun- 
dred christians in the town of Pocataligo and the 
neighbouring plantations. They advanced in two 
parties ; one fell upon Port Royal, the other on St. 
Bartholomew's parish. The man and boy who were 
not killed in the first fire, though the former was 
much wounded, made their escape to Port Royal, 
and gave the alarm. On this short notice, about 
three hundred souls escaped, on board a ship to 
Charleston. The women and children, from both 
these places, generally made their escape to this town. 
Some families fell into the hands of the enemy and, 
in their barbarous manner, were tortured and murder- 
ed. Their effects were generally abandoned to the 
enemy, and their buildings burnt, or otherwise des- 
troyed. 

While the Yamosees, Creeks, and Appalachians 
were advancing against the southern frontiers, mark- 
ing their route with terror and desolation, the Con- 
garees, Catawbaws, and Cherokees, came down in 
formidable numbers on the northern. It was com- 
puted that the southern division of the enemy consist- 
ed of six thousand bow- men ; and the northern of 
between six hundred and a thousand. So scattered 
were the settlements, and so sudden was the dan- 
ger, that the people had not time to collect in sufficient 
numbers, to make any stand against the enemy ; but 
each one consulting the safety of himself and family 
fled to the capital. 

In this distressed state of the colony, the assembly 
authorized the governour to impress men, arms, hor- 
ses, and whatever might be necessary for the com- 
mon defence. He was impowered even to arm the 
negroes on whom they could depend, for assistance 
in the common defence. Wisdom, despatch, firm- 

Vol. I. 33 



253 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, ness, and caution marked his conduct. He marched 
against the southern division of the enemy with twelve 
1715. hundred white men, and such negroes as could be 
trusted. These were the whole number on the mus- 
ter rolls able to bear arms. It was judged that such 
was the strength of the fortifications at Charles- 
ton, that the inhabitants would be able to defend 
themselves in his absence. Doleful was the day when 
the whole strength of the colony was called to ac- 
tion with a numerous, subtile, and merciless foe. 
When its very existence depended on the success of 
this little army. 

Meanwhile, the northern division of Indians were 
destroying the country and making an inroad to- 
wards Goose creek. Captain Barker with a corps of 
ninety horse was sent against them ; but he was be- 
trayed by the treachery of an Indian whom he trust- 
ed, drawn into an ambush in a thick wood, slain, 
and his party defeated. The enemy penetrated the 
country as far as Goose creek. The whole tract 
was deserted, excepting one or two plantations, which 
were fortified. Seventy white people and about for- 
ty faithful negroes, who had compassed themselves 
with a small breast-work, for some time bravely de- 
fended themselves against the whole force of this 
northern division ; but afterwards, unwarily hearken- 
ing to the enemy's proposals of peace, were betray- 
ed and massacred. Flushed with success, the enemy 
tlestroyed all before them, till they were met by 
captain Chicken at the head of the Goose creek militia; 
when, after a long and hard fought battle, they were 
totally defeated. This happily secured the country 
on that side from all further ravages. 

Governour Craven, apprised of the arts of the ene- 
my, and sensible how much the safety of the whole 
colony depended on his success, marched with every 
precaution. His army was guarded in the strictest 
manner. As he advanced, the straggling parties fled 
before him. At Saltcatches he came upon their 
great camp. Here commenced a sharp and bloody 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 259 

battle. The enemy fought from behind trees, bush- chap. 
es, and every cover, setting up their terrible VIL 
wai whoops and yells: sometimes retiring, and then 
again and again, with redoubled fury, returning to the 
charge. Notwithstanding their hideous yells and 
superior numbers, the governour, keeping his troops 
close at their heels, drove them before him. He 
drove them from their settlements, at Indian land, 
and pursuing them over the Savannah wholly ridded 
the country of this formidable body of savages. The 
Yamosees fled to the Spanish territories in Florida. 
What numbers were killed in this battle on either 
side is not known ; but during the war nearly four 
hundred of the inhabitants were slain.* 

On the return of the governour to Charleston, die 
people were raised from the depths of despondency 
to the highest tide of joy. Providence had indeed 
wrought wonderfully for them, and given them a 
great and memorable salvation. 

Though the termination of the war was honoura- 
ble and happy for the Carolinians, yet the effects of 
it were long and heavy. Many of them had lost 
their negroes, and had none to assist them in raising 
provisions for their families. Those who had not 
lost them, were called into service and could not 
oversee them, so that their plantations were unculti- 
vated. Many were driven from their estates, and 
their dwellings and effects were destroyed. The 
harvest was so inconsiderable, that they were obliged 
to send to the northern colonies for the necessaries 
of life. The colony had sustained a great loss both 
of men and treasures. By the two recent wars, it 
had contracted a debt of not less than eighty thous- 
and pounds. Applications were made to the propri- 
etors, either in whole, or in part, to re-imburse the 
colony ; but they would advance nothing for the 
purpose. The assembly considered the Indian lands 

* Most of the particulars of this war are taken from the History of 
South Carolina, vol. i. p. il9 — 230. Some few are from Dr. Hum 
phrey's History of Missionaries in South Carolina, p. 96 — 101. 



260 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, as conquered by the colony; and that, in justice, 
they ought to be applied to the public emolument. 
1716. They therefore appropriated them to their own ad- 
The Irish vantage, for the encouragement of new settlers. In 
the^fron- consec ] uence of the acts of the assembly, five nun- 
tiers, dred people transported themselves from Ireland, 
and made settlements on the frontiers. At thib junc- 
ture, this was a happy acquisition, forming, for the 
colony, a strong barrier against the incursions of the 
savages. But the injustice, cruelty, and violence of^ 
the proprietors, frustrated all the happy consequences 
of the wise and salutary measures adopted by the 
province ; and at once involved it in a state of dis- 
traction and misery. Though they had expended 
nothing in the war, and had represented both to the 
lords and to his majesty, that they could not provide 
for the defence of the colony ; yet they insisted on 
their right to the conquered lands ; repealed the acts 
of the assembly, and ordered the lands to be laid out 
in large baronies, for their own use. 
Are ruin- By this means they violated the faith of the colo- 
ed by the nv an( ] totally ruined the Irish emigrants. Many 
tors. of them had spent the little money they had, in their 
transmigration and settlement ; and by this means were 
reduced to the greatest misery, and actually perished 
for want. Others removed to the northern colonies. 
The old settlers having lost this important barrier 
on the frontiers, deserted their plantations, and left 
the country open to the incursions of the enemy. 
This revived and greatly increased the former aver- 
sion and hatred of the people, to the proprietors and 
their government. With more earnestness and im- 
patience than ever did they wish for the protection of 
the crown. 

This year governour Craven, who had performed 
such important services for the colony, and by mer- 
it gained the highest love and esteem of the Caroli- 
nians, left the government, to take care of his domes- 
1717. tic affairs in England. Robert Daniel succeeded him 
in the chair* 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 261 

At this time of general discontent, nothing could chap. 
exceed the impolicy and injustice of the proprietors. 
Instead of redressing, !hey increased the grievances 1717 
of the people. One Trott, a cunning, supercilious, 
oppressive man, was chief justice of the colony, and 
of the court of vice admiralty. William Rhett, his 
brother-in-law, was receiver general and comptroller 
of his majesty's customs, both in Carolina and the 
Bahama islands. Their cunning, many offices, and trott and 
emoluments, gave them great influence in the colony. ^5^ the 
New instructions were given by the proprietors re- people, 
specting the elections, which were contrary to the 
constitution. These men employed all their art to 
serve the oppressive designs of the proprietors, and 
had an undue influence in the elections. In the 
assembly they opposed all popular bills, and 
whenever they could not prevent their passing, they 
made such representations of them to the proprietors, 
as to prevent their approbation of them. The affairs 
of government were so managed, that the public ex- 
penses ate up all the fruits of the people's labour ; 
and these artful men, made such representations to 
the proprietors, as to prevent all means of relief. 
So great and numerous were the grievances of the 
people, and the instances of Trott's maladministra- 
tion, that governour Daniel joined with them in 
their complaints, and both he and a majority of the 
council joined the commons in their charges against 
him. But no redress could be obtained. The pro- 
prietors continued Trott in his office, and even 
thanked him for his good services. They displaced 
the old counsellors, nominated twelve others, appoint- 
ed a new governour, and repealed a number of the 
laws. They also ordered a new election of the as- 
sembly. These were finishing strokes to the pro- 
prietary government, threw the people into a state of 
general perplexity and tumult, and ripened them for 
an immediate revolt. 

When the new assembly met, 1719, with a manly iri'9. 
firmness and true spirit of patriotism, they detcrmin- Nov - 28tk. 



262 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

C JJ AP ' ed to pay no attention to the instructions of the pro- 

prietors ; but at all hazards, to execute their own 

1719. laws and defend the rights of the province. The as- 
sembly absolutely refused to transact any business 
with the proprietary governour and his council. The 
governour, at this time, was Robert Johnson, son of 
Nathaniel Johnson, who formerly held the same office, 
and left him a good estate in the colony. He was a 
man of address and high in the affections and esteem 
of the people ; but, with all his address and influ- 
ence, he could not persuade the assembly to depart 
from their resolution. No regard for personal char- 
acters could make them forget the weakness, injus- 
tice, and contemptibleness of the proprietary govern- 
ment. They preferred the public good, their own 
liberty and safety to every personal consideration. 
They had impeached Trott, before the assembly, in 
more than thirty articles of maleconduct ; and the 
articles of charge were supported with strong evi- 
dence. It was alleged, that he had been guilty of 
many partial judgments : that he had contrived ways 
of multiplying and increasing his fees : that he had 
contrived a fee for continuing suits from one term to 
another ; and had put off the hearing of them for years : 
that he had given advice in cases depending in his 
own court, with many other matters of like nature. 
Governour Johnson, with a majority of his council, 
as governour Daniel had done before, joined the as- 
sembly in the charges against him. To give further 
weight to them, before the proprietors, Francis 
Yonge, one of the council, was appointed agent, 
fully to represent the whole matter to their lord- 
ships ; but Trott was still continued to oppress the 
people. 

War was this year proclaimed between England 
and Spain, and the colony was threatened with an 
immediate invasion from the Spaniards. The mili- 
tia, just before the meeting of the new assembly, had 
been called to a general review at Charleston. The 
officers and soldiers took this opportunity, to 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 263 

subscribe a general association and firm agreement, chap. 
to stand by each other, in the defence of their com- VIL 
mon rights, against the oppression and tyranny of 1719 
the proprietors. A determination having been form- 
ed to revolt, and put themselves under the crown, 
the affair was conducted with uncommon address 
and resolution. The assembly while they utterly 
refused to transact any thing with the governour, un- 
der the proprietors, expressed the highest esteem 
for his person, and in an obliging and genteel man- 
ner, made him repeated offers of the government, 
intreating him to hold the reins of it for the king, 
till his pleasure should be known. The governour 
absolutely refused, and issued his proclamation dis- 
solving the house. The representatives ordered it 
to be torn from the hands of the marshal, met under 
the name of a convention of the people, and proceed- 
ed to do their own business. Colonel James Moore 
was elected governour. He was a bold man, excel- 
lently qualified for a popular leader in perilous ad- 
ventures. The governour had suspended him from 
his office in the militia, for espousing the cause of 
the people. To him therefore he was no friend, to 
the proprietors he was an inveterate enemy, and in 
whatever enterprise he engaged, he was firm and 
inflexible. Onthe21st of December, 1719, the con- Revolu- 
vention and militia marched to the fort in Charleston, tion >nCar- 
and proclaimed him governour, in his majesty's name, 21"*' ° C 
and till his pleasure should be known. With this 
popular assembly, or convention, he assumed the 
powers of government, and put the colony in a state 
of defence against the invasion which was every 
day expected. It was the design of the Spaniards 
to possess themselves of both sides of the gulf of 
Florida, and to command the navigation through the 
stream. The capture of Providence island, as well 
as the reduction of Carolina was an object of their 
expedition. They sailed from the Havannah, with 
fourteen ships, and twelve hundred men. They 
commenced their operations against Providence. 



264 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

C vn P ' Captain Rogers, who commanded the island, receiv- 

ing them with great spirit and conduct, gave them a 

1719. severe repulse. Soon after they were overtaken by 
a storm, in which most of the fleet were lost. In 
this singular manner, did the Great Disposer of 
events interpose, and give safety to his people.* 

The Carolinians having assumed the government 
in behalf of his majesty, referred their complaints to 
the royal ear. On a full hearing of the ill govern- 
ment and oppression of the lords proprietors, and of 
the proceedings of the people, before his majesty, it 
was judged, that the proprietary charter had been 
1721. forfeited, and the colony was taken under the royal 
protection. 
Govern- From this period the government became regal, 
oom tb r"- an d continued under that form till the late revolution. 
gal. The governour was appointed by the crown, and vest- 

ed with its constitutional powers civil and military. 
He had a negative on all bills passed by the assemblies, 
with the power of convoking, proroguing, and dis- 
solving them. He was vested with powers of chancery, 
admiralty, supreme ordinary, and of appointing all 
officers civil and military. To him was also entrust- 
ed the execution of the laws. A council was ap- 
pointed him, by the crown, to advise and assist him 
in legislation. The assembly consisted of represen- 
tatives chosen by the free suffrages of the people. 
The government was formed, as nearly as circum- 
stances would admit, on the plan of the British con- 
stitution. 

Francis Nicholson was appointed the first kingly 
governour. In the beginning of 1721, he arrived in 
Carolina and took on him the administration of gov- 
ernment. 

He found the colony in a low and pitiable condi- 
tion. The proprietors, during the half century of 
their government, had built no churches, erected no 
schools, done nothing for the civilization or chris- 

* Hist. S. Carolina, vol. 1. p. 287"— 290. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. QQ$ 

tianizing of the heathen, nor even for the support of chap. 
that mode of worship, which in such an undue and VIL 
oppressive manner they had established in o the colo- 1721 
ny. The people in general grew up in great ignor- 
ance, and some were almost entirely strangers to pub- 
lic worship. 

At the term of fifty four years from the arrival of 1734- 
the first planters, the number of white inhabitants in 
the colony amounted only to fourteen thousand. 
This low degree of population was owing to various 
causes. The principal ones were the unhealthiness 
of the country, the massacres and depredations com- 
mitted by the Indians, and the weak, impolitic, and 
oppressive government of the proprietors. 

Nicholson was a popular governour ; and, under 
his administration, the affairs of the colony took a 
new and happy turn. Though he was naturally pas- 
sionate and headstrong, and, having been bred a sol- 
dier, was profane ; yet so strong was his conviction 
of the importance of religion, to the happiness of civ- 
il society, that he made liberal provision, for the en- 
couragement of public worship, for the erecting and 
support of schools ; and in these respects, by his in- 
fluence and example, did great good to the colony. 

In 1728, the crown made a purchase of seven 1728. 
eight parts of Carolina, both of lands and quitrents, of caroif 
for a little more than twenty two thousand and five na by the 
hundred pounds sterling. Lord Carteret retained his crown - 
right in the property and quitrents, but resigned his 
right of jurisdiction. The next year the proprietors Surren- 
made a formal surrender of the country to his majes- ^g Sept ' 
ty.* From this period the government of the Car- 
olinas became regal. Four years after, the patent of 
Georgia passed the royal seals, and a plan was adopt- 
ed for its speedy settlement. 

At the time of settlement, and for half a century 
from that period, few colonies endured greater hard- 
ships and dangers than South Carolina ; but after it 

* Hist. S. Carolina, vol. i, p. 313, 119, 

Vol. I. 34 



2&$ A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, became a royal government, it, in general, enjoyed 

_ great prosperity. On the north it was secured from 

l72X the ravages of the Indians, by its sister colonies, and 
on the south Georgia, soon after, became an import- 
ant barrier against the southern tribes. The inhab- 
itants enjoyed peace, and were safe in their persons 
and property. The fertility of the soil generously 
repaid the labours of the husbandman, made the 
poor to sing, and industry every where to smile. The 
inhabitants were entirely satisfied with the govern- 
ment and protection of Great Britain, gloried in her 
as their mother country ; and through a thousand 
channels wealth poured in upon them. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

.Settlement of North Carolina. First voyages made to that country 
Interview with the Natives. Their kindness. Settlement of Al- 
bemarle and Cape Fear. Revolt in Albemarle. Deed from the 
proprietors. Constitution of tiie colony. Palatines plant themselves 
on the Roanoke. The colony is purchased by the crown, and the 
government becomes regal. The plan and patent for the settlement 
uf Georgia. Settlements made. Regulations of the trustees. Ex- 
pedition against St. Augustine. Spaniards invade Georgia and are 
defeated. The corporation surrender their charter and the govern- 
ment becomes regal. General observations relative to Georgia and 
the southern colonies. 

1 HE first voyages to any part of the territories of 
the United States, were made to North Carolina. 
Here the French and Spaniards attempted to make 
settlements, and alternately destroyed each other. 
To this part of the continent Amidas and Barlow 
made their voyage in fifteen hundred eighty four. 
They first landed at Wococon, and afterwards visit- 
ed Roanoke. On the north end of the latter were 
nine houses, built of cedar and fortified with sharp- 
Indian ened trees. The Indian name of the country was 
name of Wingandacoa, the king of it was Wingina. His 
u-yini584. chi£f town was six days journey from Wococon. 
His brother, Ganganameo resided at the village on 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 267 

Roanoke. The third day after the arrival of the chap. 
English at Wococon some of the natives made their x 
appearance, in a small boat, and one of them, of his 1584 " 
own accord, after making a considerable speech, of 
which they understood not a word, went boldly on 
board the ships. The English gave him a shirt, hat, 
wine, and a good meal. He appeared to be highly interview 
pleased, and soon made them a grateful return. Stives' 
Paddling off, at a small distance from the ships, he 
soon loaded his boat with fish, and returning to the 
point, he divided his cargo into two parts ; and point- 
ing one to one ship and the other to the other, took 
leave of his new friends. The next day, Gangana- 
meo came, with his train of about fifty men. They 
had fine limbs and a good stature. They appeared 
exceedingly civil and harmless. Though the Eng- 
lish appeared in arms, he manifested no signs of fear, 
but spreading his mat on the point, sat down and 
made signs for them to sit with him. He gently 
stroked his own, and their heads and breasts, in to- 
ken of his cordial friendship, and that their heads and 
hearts should be one. After he had addressed them 
in a long speech, they presented him with a number 
of toys, with which he manifested the highest satis- 
faction. Then opening a trade with him they re- Trade 
ceived twenty deer skins, worth twenty crowns, for Wltht h*m. 
a pewter bason. Charmed with its glitter and nov- 
elty he made a hole through it, and hung it about 
his neck for a breast plate. He conceived it to be 
a very princely ornament. They sold him a copper 
kettle for fifty skins more, worth fifty crowns. Thus 
they made their gain of this friendly and simple 
people. 

Some days after Ganganameo made a visit with visit of 
his wife and children. They were of low stature, ^" gana ' ? 
but modest and handsome. His wife, the princess, 
wore a coat of leather, and before a short apron of 
the same. About her forehead was a band of white 
coral, and in her ears bracelets of pearls, of the big- 
Bess of large peas, hanging down to her middle, 



meo. 



268 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. The only distinction, in dress, between the prince 
and his wife, was the manner in which they wore 
1584. me i r na i r « His was long on one side only, hers, 
agreeably to nature, was long on both. 

Ganganameo was greatly respected by his people : 
none traded, sat, or spake, when he was present, ex- 
cept some of his chief men. In whatever the Eng- 
lish trusted him he was punctual and faithful. He 
commonly sent them daily a brace of bucks, conies, 
hares, fish, and, sometimes, melons, cucumbers, 
peas, walnuts, and various kinds of esculent roots. 
He was so charmed with the English arms, that he 
would have engaged a bag of pearls only to have 
been armed. 
Courtesy When the English went to Roanoke, they made a 
of an in- ^rlsit at his house. As he was from home, his wife 
cess. Pnn " ran t0 meet them, and ordered her men to bear them 
on their backs to the land. As the season was rainy 
and tempestuous she ordered their boat to be drawn 
on shore, that it might not be injured by the waves, 
and the oars to be carried into the house, that they 
might not be stolen. In the house were five rooms. 
Having brought them into one of these, she washed 
their clothes and feet, and when they had warmed and 
dried themselves, by a good fire, she introduced 
them into another, where, on a long board, she had 
spread a table for their refreshment. Here she en- 
tertained them with a kind of frumenty, boiled ven- 
ison, roasted fish, boiled roots, melons, and divers 
kinds of fruit. When they repaired to their boat, in 
the evening, she appeared to be much grieved, and 
sent them mats to cover them from the rain. Ma- 
ny other courtesies did she show them. Say the 
voyagers, "A more kind, loving people cannot be."* 
Cruel wars now raged among the Indians, in those 
parts, and Wingina lay, at his chief town, recover- 
ing from the wounds he had received in battle. 

* Voyage of Araidas and Barlow ; Smith's History of Virgiiria,p.3,4. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 269 

Governour Lane, with the second company of Sir chap. 
Walter Raleigh, on the seventeenth of August, fif- 
teen hundred eighty five, fixed his residence at Roan- Discove- 
oke. He made discoveries to the southward as far ries of 
as Secotan, which was about eighty miles. This was the f^"^ 
southern boundary of the country called Wingandacoa. 
His passage was through Pamtico sound. Through 
Currituck sound, he went to the northward, and ex- 
plored the country as far as the town of the Chesa- 
peaks, one hundred and twenty miles. To the north- 
west, proceeding through Albemarle sound, he made 
discoveries as far as Choanoke, since called Chow- 
an. This was estimated a hundred and thirty miles. 
Choanoke was, at that time, the greatest town on the 
river, and was supposed to be able to muster seven 
hundred warriors.* 

About sixty five years after these discoveries, a Settle - 
permanent settlement was made in North Carolina. *? cnt ir " , 

o ii -it r XT. . . , the county 

beveral substantial planters irom Virginia, and some of Aibe- 
other plantations, emigrated and began a settlement ?l a 'l e ' 
in the county of Albemarle, chiefly in Chowan pre- 
cinct. They found the winters mild and the coun- 
try fertile beyond expectation. Every tiling which 
they planted yielded a prodigious increase. Their 
horses, cattle, swine, and sheep, breeding at an un- 
common rate, and passing the winter without the 
care of the husbandman, they soon found themselves 
living in ease and plenty. With these encourage- 
ments, though few in number, settled at considera- 
ble distances from each other, and surrounded with 
numerous Indian nations, they unanimously deter- 
mined to keep their ground. From the flattering 
descriptions given of the country, in a few years, a 
considerable number of families were induced to em- 
igrate and make settlements in the colony. They 
soon commanded a number of articles, such as wheat, 
Indian corn, beef, pork, tallow, hides, deer skins, and 
furs, for exportation. These they exchanged with 

* Smith's History of Virginia, p. 5, 6. 



270 - A GENERAL HISTORY OF TH 

chap, the Bermudians and New Englanders, for rum, su- 
gar, salt, molasses, and wearing apparel. The lat- 
ter was obtained at an exorbitant price. 

As the soil was liberal to the planters so were they 
to all who visited them. Most of them living nobly, 
gave away more to coasters and guests than they ex- 
pended in their own families.* 
Settle- I" sixteen hundred sixty one,settlements were made 

merit at at and about Cape Fear, by a number of adventur- 
366i! ai ' ers fr° m Massachusetts. They obtained a transfer 
of their lands from the natives, the original proprie- 
tors of the soil. This, with occupancy, they esteem- 
ed a good title to their lands, without deeds or pa- 
tents from the crown. They judged themselves 
entitled to the same privileges which they enjoyed 
in the country, whence they emigrated. For some 
time they were exceedingly distressed for want of 
necessary subsistence. On application to the gen- 
eral court of Massachusetts, an extensive contribu- 
tion was ordered for their relief. 

Some of these planters, it seems, gave such offence 
to the Indians, by sending off a number of their chil- 
dren, under the pretence of instructing them in the 
principles of Christianity, that they drove them off 
with their bows and arrows, t 

The grant of Carolina, to their lordships Claren- 
don, Craven, &c. having passed the royal seals, 
March 4th, 1663, these noblemen held a meeting in 
May,i663. May, and, at the desire of the New England people 
settled within the limits of their grant, published 
general proposals for planting the country. They 
gave assurance to all who should plant themselves in 
Carolina, of the most perfect freedom in religion; 
that they should be governed by a free assembly, 
enjoy the same exemption from customs, granted 
by the charter ; and, that every freeman, during the 
term of five years, should be allowed a hundred 
acres of land for himself, and fifty for every servant, 

* Lawson's History of North Carolina, p. 62, 63. 
j Manuscripts of the Hon, Benjamin Hawkins. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 271 

paving only an acknowledgment of a halfpenny an chap. 
acre. 



The same year three men, Anthony Long, Will- 1663 
iam Hilton, and Peter Fabian were sent from Bar- 
badoes to make discoveries in North Carolina. They 
came to anchor in Cape Fear road, on the 12th of 
October. They spent some time in going up the 
branches of the river, especially the north east. 
They discovered some rich lands at a place which 
they named Rocky Point. It is probable, that in 
consequence of their discoveries, some settlements 
were made in those parts from Barbadoes.* 

The proprietors by virtue of their patent claimed The pro- 
all the lands in Carolina, and jurisdiction over all prietors 
who had made settlements on them. And, as the J,sa? ct u^" 
planters in the county of Albemarle were principally over the 
emigrants from Virginia, and till this time had been f^^' 
within the limits and jurisdiction of that colony, the 
proprietors appointed Sir William Berkley, then 
governour of Virginia, superintendant general of 
their county of Albemarle. He repaired to the 
county, granted and confirmed lands on the condi- 
tions published by the proprietors. He also appoint- 
ed officers for the government of the people. He al- 
lowed them a general assembly, and appointed Mr. 
Drummond their governour. 

Two years after, the people who had settled at sir John 
and about Cape Fear were made a distinct county Yeamans 

<• r>i i m- • governour 

by the name ot Clarendon county. 1 his was ex- of ciaren- 
tended, on the coast, from Cape Fear to the river St. don coun - 
Matheo, though it does not appear, that there were, y ' 
at this period any settlers south of little river, the 
southern boundary of North Carolina. John Yea- 
mans, a respectable planter, from Barbadoes was cre- 
ated a baronet and appointed commander in chief of 
this county. 

The inhabitants of Albemarle were not well pleas- inhabit- 
ed with the new claims of their lordships. They f nts of , Al - 

1 * bemarle 

* Extracts from their journal now before me. Lawsor/s Hist. N. 1S j atls " 
C.p, S5-73 * fied - 



Revolt. 



272 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

Chap, had endured the hardships' and dangers of making 
new settlements in a vast wilderness. They had set- 
1665 tied to the general satisfaction of the natives, the 
original proprietors of the soil. They planted them- 
selves under the old Virginia patent, and had enjoy- 
ed about fifteen years quiet possession. To be eject- 
ed now, or become tributaries to the proprietors, ap- 
peared to them not only palpably inconsistent with 
every idea of justice, but in a high degree inhuman. 
They were neither pleased with the claims, nor gov- 
ernment of such men. Indeed they were on the 
Petition point of a general revolt. In this state of their af- 
Lord rs tne g enera l assembly preferred a petition to their 

ships, lordships, the proprietors, praying that the people of 
1666. Albemarle might hold their possessions on the same 
terms on which they were holden in Virginia. Their 
lordships delaying to grant their petition, the colony 
revolted for nearly two years.* 
Oct. 1667, In October, 1667, Samuel Stephens was appointed 
s - Ste * governour of Albemarle. But he does not appear to 
governour. have convoked an assembly, for nearly two years, on 
the constitution of the proprietors. Something 
more was yet necessary to be done to quiet the plant- 
ers. One Colepepper, who had been active in the 
revolt, with another person, was despatched to Eng- 
land with a promise, on certain conditions, of the 
submission of the colony to the proprietaries. To 
quiet the inhabitants the proprietaries executed the 
following deed to the colony. 
Grand To our trusty and well beloved Samuel Stephens, 

Deed to }^ S q. governour of our county of Albemarle, and the 
Carolina, isles and islets within ten leagues thereof, and to our 
May 1st, trusty and well beloved counsellors and assistants to 
our governour, Greeting : 

Whereas we have received a petition from the 
grand assembly of our county of Albemarle, praying 
that the inhabitants of the said county may hold 
their lands upon the same terms and conditions, that 

* Chalmer's Political Annals. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 273 

the inhabitants of Virginia hold theirs ; and foras- chap. 

much as the said county doth border upon Virgin- " 

ia and is much of the same nature, We are con- 1G6a 
tent, and do grant that the inhabitants of the said coun- 
ty, do hold their lands of us, the lords proprietors, 
upon the same terms and conditions that the inhabi- 
tants of Virginia hold theirs. 

Wherefore be it known unto all men by these 
presents, that we, the said lords and absolute proprie- 
tors of the county within the province aforesaid, 
have given, granted, and by these presents do give 
and grant full power and authority unto you the said 
governour, for the time being, or that shall hereafter 
be by us appointed, full power and authority, by 
and with the consent of our council then being, or 
the major part thereof, to convey and grant such 
portions of land as by our instructions and conces- 
sions annexed to our commission, bearing date in 
October, Anno Domini 1667, we have appointed to 
such persons as shall come into our said county to 
plant and inhabit." 

The proprietaries allowed them a general assem- Constitu- 
bly, which was to consist of the governour, twelve tion of 
counsellors, and twelve delegates annually chosen by ment. 
the freeholders. The governour was appointed by 
the proprietaries, half the council were chosen by 
the governour, and half by the assembly. The gov- 
ernour was obliged to act agreeably to the advice of 
a majority of his council. No taxes were to be im- 
posed without the consent of the assembly. All 
men, taking the oath of allegiance to the king, and 
of fidelity to the proprietaries, were declared to have 
a title to equal privileges. 

In sixteen hundred sixty nine governour Stevens First as- 
convoked the first assembly on this constitution. ^X^ 
Besides various regulations for the security of it, 1669. 
property and the good government of the colony, 
it was enacted, u None shall be sued, during five 
years, for any cause of action arising out of the 
country ; and none shall accept a power of attor- 

Vol. I. .35 



274 



J\. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 
VIII. 

1669. 



Cole pep- 
per tried 
Tor high 
treason. 



Palatines 
settle on 
Roanoke, 

ino. 



Are mas- 
sacred, 
1712. 



En acting 
style in 
1715. 



ney, to receive debts contracted abroad." Hence 
this colony was, for a time, considered as the refuge 
of the criminal, and the common asylum of the fu- 
gitive debtor. 

After Colepepper had executed his trust, and was 
about to return, he was impeached, by the commis- 
sioners of the customs, for acting as collector with- 
out their authority, and embezzling the king's reve- 
nue in Carolina. He was seized, on board a vessel 
in the Downs, carried back, and tried by virtue of 
the statute of Henry VIII. on an indictment of high- 
treason committed out of the realm. Lord Shaftes- 
bury, who was then in the height of his popularity, 
undertook his defence. His lordship insisted " That 
there never had been any regular government in Al- 
bemarle, that its disorders were only feuds between 
the planters, which could only amount to a riot." 
On this plea Colepepper was acquitted, though it was 
contrary to the plainest facts. 

In seventeen hundred and ten a considerable num- 
ber of Palatines were settled in the colony, on and 
near Roanoke, in Albemarle and Bath counties. 
These were a considerable accession to the strength 
and numbers of the colony. But its population was 
exceedingly slow. Though it was now sixty years 
from its first settlement yet the whole number of 
fencible men did not exceed twelve hundred. Two 
years after the colony sustained a great loss both of 
lives and property, in the horrible massacre perpe- 
trated by the Corees and Tuscaroras. The expense 
of defending the colony against the enemy, till the 
arrival of colonel Barnwell and his troops from 
South Carolina, and the summer following, was very 
considerable. 

The enacting style of the colony from about the 
year sixteen hundred fifteen was, " Be it enacted, by 
his excellency the palatine, and the rest of the true and 
absolute lords proprietors of Carolina, by and with 
the consent of the general assembly, now met at Lit • 



crown in 
Sepl.1729. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 275 

tie River, for the northeast of the said province, and chap. 
it is hereby enacted." 

There appears ever to have been a government in 17 r. 9 _ 
this colony distinct from that in South Carolina. 
During the whole term of the proprietary govern- 
ment the colonies appear to have had different gov- 
ernours. The last governour in this colony, under 
the proprietaries, in seventeen hundred twenty nine, 
was Sir Richard Everard. At the same period the 
government of South Carolina was vested in Arthur 
Middleton, president of the council. 

In September the payment of seventeen thousand The Caro- 
and five hundred pounds sterling was completed, in J 1 ",^!^ 
behalf of the crown, for seven eighths of the Caroli- to the 
nas. Seven eighths of the quitrents due from the col- 
onists, amounting to more than nine thousand pounds 
sterling, were purchased for five thousand. A 
clause in the act of parliament, respecting the pur- 
chase, reserved an eighth share of the property and 
quitrents then in arrears, to John Lord Carteret, 
which continued to be legally vested in his family.* 
All his share in the government he surrendered to the 
crown. The other proprietors made a surrender 
both of property and jurisdiction. 

From this period the government became regal, 
similar to that of the other royal governments. The Boundary 
boundary line between North and South Carolina, lines - 
begins at a cedar stake, by the sea side near the 
mouth of Little River, which is the southern ex- 
tremity of New Brunswick, and thence runs a north 
west course through the boundary house in thirty 
three degrees and forty six minutes, to thirty five de- 
grees north latitude ; and thence, agreeably to the 
ancient charters, a west line to the South Sea. The 
north line between this colony and Virginia begins 
on the sea shore in thirty six degrees and thirty min- 
utes north latitude, and runs west parallel with the 
other west line to the same western boundary. 

* His eighth share lay in North Carolina, and since became the 
property of Lord Greenville, 



276 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. The first royal governour was George Barrington. 

'_ He continued in office till seventeen hundred thirty 

1729 four. He had five successors before the American 
revolution.* 

From the period in which his majesty assumed 
the immediate care and government of the Carolinas, 
a new era commenced in that country, which the Car- 
olinians esteemed the era of their freedom, security, 
and happiness. That the colonists might apply 
themselves to industry with vigour and success, it 
was the first object of the royal concern, to establish 
the peace of these colonies upon the most sure and 
ander P erm anent foundations. For this purpose Sir Alex- 
Cummihg ander Gumming Was commissioned and sent out to 
th Ca ci Wth treat w * tn ^ ie Cherokees. They spread over the 
kees. lands at the head of Savannah river and back into the 
3730. Appalachian mountains. They claimed an immense 
tract of country, as their hunting grounds, and its 
boundaries had never been clearly ascertained. Their 
numbers, at that period, were estimated at twenty six 
thousand. It was supposed that, on any emergency, 
they were able to send into the field six thousand 
warriors. An alliance with them was an object of 
prime importance. Sir Alexander arrived in the 
beginning of the year, and with despatch made his 
journey to the distant hills. When he arrived at 
Chowee, about three hundred miles from Charleston, 
he was met by the chiefs of the lower towns, and a 
general congress of the chiefs of the nation were 
summoned to meet him at Nequasset. In April the 
congress met. The chiefs, upon their knees, prom- 
ised fidelity and obedience to the great king George, 
calling upon every thing terrible to fall upon them if 
they should violate their promise. By the unani- 
mous consent of the nation, Moytoy was appointed 
commander in chief, Numerous presents were 

* Gabriel Johnson from 1734 — 1752. Matthew Rowan president 
of the council till 1754. Arthur Dobbs till 1764. William Tryon tilj 
1771. Josiah Martin till 1774. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 077 

made to the Indians ; and they brought the crown, chap. 
with five eagle tails and four scalps of their enemies, VIIL 
from Tennassee, their chief town, and Moytoy pre- 1730 
sented them to Sir Alexander, praying him to lay 
them at his majesty's feet. Sir Alexander proposed 
that a number of their chiefs should be deputed to 
accompany him to England, to do homage in person. 
Six were appointed, and sailed with him for Eng- 
land. They arrived at Dover in June. As a pledge 
of their loyalty, the crown of their nation, the feath- 
ers of glory, and the scalps of their enemies, were 
laid at his majesty's feet. A treaty was drawn up, 
and signed by Alured Popple, secretary to the lords 
commissioners of trade and plantations, on the part 
of his majesty, and the Cherokee chiefs in behalf of 
their nation. The chief articles were for substance, 
That the king's children of Carolina should trade with 
the Indians, and furnish them with all goods they 
should want ; and make haste to build houses and 
plant corn from Charleston towards the Cherokee 
towns behind the great mountains : That the Chero- 
kees should be always ready to fight against any na- 
tion of white men or Indians, who shall hurt or mo- 
lest the English : That the trading path should be 
kept clean from blood : That the Cherokees shall 
trade with no people but the English, nor admit any 
to build forts, or cabins, or to plant among them : 
That if any should attempt to do it, they shall give 
notice of it to the English governour : That if any 
Englishman shall kill an Indian, he should be pun- 
ished by the English laws, as if he had killed an 
Englishman ; and that when an Indian should kill a 
white man, he should be delivered up and punished 
in the same manner. Every article was accompa- 
nied with presents of different kinds, such as cloth, 
guns, shot, vermilion, flints, hatchets, &c* This 
peace was kept inviolably by the Cherokees nearly 
thirty years. 

* Hist* S. Carolina, vol ii. p. 6, 7, 8. 



278 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. The first governour of South Carolina, under the 
VIIL crown, was Robert Johnson. He arrived at his seat 
1730. °f government the beginning of the year seventeen 
hundred thirty one. With him returned the Indian 
chiefs, with such ideas of the power, greatness and 
generosity of the English nation, as imagination can 
better paint than language express. 

Forthe encouragement of the Carolinians, his majes- 
ty granted them several indulgences. The restraints 
on rice, an enumerated article, were partly taken off, 
and the parliament allowed a discount on hemp. The 
arrears of quitrents, amounting to more than nine 
thousand, were remitted as a bounty from the crown. 
Seventy pieces of cannon were sent over by his maj- 
esty, and the governour had orders to build a fort at 
Port Royal, and another on the river Alatamaha. 
An independent company of foot was allowed for 
their defence by land, and ships of war were stationed 
for the protection of trade. For the encouragement 
of commerce, the colony was allowed to continue, 
and very considerably to increase, their bills of credit. 
Till this period the cultivation of the Caroiinas 
was very inconsiderable. Says a writer of their his- 
tory, " The face of the country appeared like a des- 
ert, with little spots here and there cleared, scarcely 
discernible amidst the immense forest;" but after 
this, under the royal smiles, they began to emerge 
from a state of poverty and oppression, to a state of 
freedom, ease, and affluence. 
Plan for Soon after the establishment of the two distinct 
the settle- governments of South and North Carolina, a plan 
Georgia. was concertea1 f° r the settlement of a colony, be- 
tween the rivers Alatamaha and Savannah. Till 
this time that extensive country had remained a 
wilderness, without an inhabitant, except the savage 
natives. In the settlement of this, two principal 
objects were had in view ; the relief of the indigent 
inhabitants of Great Britain and Ireland ; and the 
more effectual security of the Caroiinas. To South 
Carolina especially, it would form an important bar- 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 279 

rier, both against the Indians and Spaniards. The chap. 
plan was conceived by a number of charitable people, 
who raised monies for the purpose of transporting 1732 . 
valuable families made miserable by misfortune and 
poverty, at home, into this part of America. The 
design was not only to transport, and give them lands 
in America, but to clothe, and furnish them with 
utensils necessary to make a permanent settlement. 

On application to his majesty, for his countenance 
and a legal execution of their design, his letters 
patent were granted, incorporating twenty one per- 
sons, by the name of Trustees for the settling and 
establishing of the colony of Georgia. These letters Patent for 
passed the seals June 9th, 1732. The charter of the re- 
incorporation made a grant of all that part of Caro- 9°h un 
Una, lying between the most northerly stream of 
Savannah river, along the sea coast, to the most 
southern stream of Alatamaha river ; westward from 
the heads of these rivers respectively in direct lines 
to the South Sea, inclusively, with all islands within 
twenty leagues of the same. The present boundaries 
are the Atlantic ocean on the east, the Floridas on 
the south, Missisippi on the west, and South Car- 
olina on the north, and northeast. The state is 
about 600 miles in length and 250 in breadth. 

The trustees having exhibited an ample charity, 
by making large contributions themselves, under- 
took the solicitation of contributions from others ; 
for the purposes of clothing, arming, purchasing 
utensils for cultivation, and for the transportation of 
such needy families, as would consent to emigrate, 
and begin the settlement of the colony. Their views 
were not confined to British subjects only, but it was 
their design to open a door for indigent and oppress- 
ed protestants of other countries and denominations. 

To prevent all abuse and misapplication of those 
charitable donations, they agreed to deposit the mon- 
ey in the bank of England ; and to enter in a book 
the names of the donors, with the sums contributed 
by each of them. They also obliged themselves, 



280 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, and their successors in office, to lay a statement of 

VIII • 

' the mone} r , received and expended, before the lord 

1722 chancellor of England, the lords chief justices of the 
king's bench and common pleas, the master of the 
rolls, and the lord chief baron of the exchequer. 
These generous trustees offered their time, labour, 
and money, wholly for the good of others ; seeking 
no other reward for themselves than the noble satis- 
faction of virtuous actions, and of doing good to in- 
dividuals and the public. Doubtless, they may chal- 
lenge the annals of any nation to produce a more 
charitable and worthy undertaking. 

The trustees held their first meeting in July, 1732, 
elected lord Percival president, and appointed a com- 
mon seal. Besides the liberal donations made by 
the gentry, clergy, and nobility, the parliament grant- 
ed ten thousand pounds for carrying the design into 
immediate effect. The November following, a hun- 
dred and sixteen emigrants offered themselves, and 
embarked for Georgia. James Oglethorpe, one of 
the trustees, a zealous and active promoter of the 
January colony, embarked with them. The next January 
I5th,i733. t jj e y arr i vec j } ' m good health, at Charleston in South 
Carolina. The Carolinians sensible of the vast ad- 
vantages, which might be derived to them, from the 
settlement in contemplation, gave it a generous en- 
couragement. They made the emigrants a present of 
a hundred breeding cattle, with some other live stock, 
and twenty barrels of rice. They also furnished 
them with a party of horse, and with scout boats for 
their conveyance to Savannah, and assistance in the 
Settle- exploration of the country. Governour Bull accom- 
ment of parried Mr. Oglethorpe and the emigrants, to Savan- 

Ceorcia . . . . 

s ' nah ; and the Carolinians assisted, with their labours 
as well as purses, in planting this new colony. Af- 
ter exploring the country they began their settle- 
ment on the high pleasant bluff, on which the town 
of Savannah now stands. A regular town was mark- 
ed out, on the south side of the river ; and, near its 
bank, a fort was erected and guns mounted, for the 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 



281 



defence of the inhabitants. The town was named chap. 
Savannah from the Indian name of the river which VI11 ' 
washed it on the north. 

Mr. Oglethorpe concluded a treaty of friendship 
with the Creeks, that numerous and powerful tribe 
of Indians. He embodied all the men capable of 
bearing arms, arranged them under proper officers, 
and equipped them for service 

While these things were effected in the colony, the iwuk- 
trustees had been forming a plan of settlement, and tions of 
establishing such regulations, as in their opinion, tee S trus ' 
were best adapted to answer the purposes of their in- 
corporation. As the military strength of the colony 
was one principal object of its settlement, they con- 
sidered the inhabitants both as planters and soldiers ; 
to be furnished, no less with arms for defence, than 
with tools for cultivation. Each grant of land 
was viewed as a military fief, for which the 
possessor, whenever called, was to appear in arms 
and take the field, for the common defence. It was 
determined, that the lands should be granted in tail 
male ; and, that on the termination of the estate in tail 
male, it should revert to the trust, and should be re- 
granted, as the trustees should determine. They 
were however, especially to regard the widows and 
daughters of those who had made settlements on the 
lands thus reverting. The widows during life were 
entitled to the mansion house and one half of the 
lands, which had been improved by their husbands. 
Allowances were also to be made to daughters, es- 
pecially if they had not been previously provided for 
in marriage. If any of the lands granted, should not 
be cleared, improved, and well inclosed within eigh- 
teen years from the date of the grant, they were al- 
so to return to the trust. All forfeitures for non- 
residence, treason, felonies, &c. were to the trustees, 
for the emolument of the colony. The use of ne- 
groes and the importation of rum were absolutely 
prohibited . There was also a prohibition of all trade 

Vol. I. 36 






2S2 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap w ith the Indians, unless bv virtue of a special licence 

|_ for that purpose. 

1733 As this new settlement was designed as a barrier 

against the Spaniards, and numerous and potent 
tribes of Indians within the limits of the colony, it 
was imagined that negroes would disserve a princi- 
pal object in view. Rum was viewed as injurious 
to health, and destructive to the peace and interests 
of a new settlement. It is not improbable, that the 
trustees had also in the prohibition of this article, a 
charitable regard to the peace and life of the Indians. 
It was imagined that a free trade with them would 
be productive of wars, and expose the colony to de- 
struction. These were some of the reasons, which 
induced these humane and liberal gentlemen, to 
. adopt such an uncommon system of fundamental 
regulations. Scarcely could the human mind have 
formed one less adapted to the condition of the poor 
settlers, more impolitic, or in its consequences more 
destructive of the population, and prosperity of the 
province. 

ir34. Notwithstanding there came over the next year 
five or six hundred emigrants to advance the settle- 
ment. But it was soon found by experience, from 
these first embarkations of poor people, from England, 
collected from the refuse of towns and cities, that 
these were not the people to fell the mighty groves 
of Georgia, and turn the wilderness into gardens and 
pleasant fields. Those who had been irresolute, idle, 
and useless members of society at home, were found 
to be no better abroad. A more enterprising and 
hardy race of men were to be sought, that the ends 
in view might be answered. The trustees therefore 
determined to introduce upon their lands, a number 
of Scotch and German labourers. To effect this 
proper inducements were necessary. The trustees 
therefore resolved that eleven townships, each con- 
sisting of twenty thousand acres should be laid out in 
square plats, upon the principal rivers in the colony, 
Two were to be laid out on the Alatamaha, two on 



1734. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 285 

the Savannah, two on the Santee, and the other on chap. 
Pedee, Wacamaw, Wateree, and Black rivers, as they 
were then called. Each town was to be divided in- 
to fifty acre shares ; of which every man, who would 
make a settlement, had one share.* On the publi- 
cation of these terms Switzers, Scotch, and Germans 
became adventurers in the colony. 

By the influence of John Peter Pary, of Neufchat- 
el, in Switzerland, a number of Switzers came over 
and made settlements in the colony. Nearly at the 
same time about a hundred and seventy Saltzbergers, 
protestants from Germany, emigrated and made a 
settlement on the Savannah, which they named Eben- 1735, 
ezer. The same year about a hundred and sixty 
Scotch Highlanders were transported into Georgia, 
and settled on the Alatamaha. They built a fort, 
which they called Darien. About this they settled 
a small town, which, in memory of that whence they 
emigrated, was named New Iverness. 

In 1736, Mr. Oglethorpe, who made it his busi- 1736. 
ness to oversee and advance the settlement of the 
colony, brought over with him a recruit of three 
hundred planters. With these he settled Fred- 
erica, on the island St. Simon, the west side of which 
is washed by the river Alatamaha. Great pains 
were taken to strengthen the southern parts of Geor- 
gia. In addition to the ten thousand sterling, grant- 
ed 1732, the parliament made a second grant of 
twenty six thousand pounds for the encouragement 
of the colony. About fourteen hundred planters, 
in the term of three years, had been transported into 
the colony. Under these favourable appearances, 
the trustees flattered themselves, with expectations of 
soon seeing their new colony in a flourishing state 
of population, wealth, and power. But sadly were 
their expectations disappointed. Not all the liberal- 
ity of individuals, nor the countenance and generous 

* Hist. S. Car. vol. ii. p. 42, 45 By comparing the grants with the 
number of men who made settlements, as they arc set down from year 
to year, I. find about 60 acres and a half granted to each man. 



284 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



chap, grants of parliament, could, under their regulations, 
VIIL raise the colony from an affecting state of poverty 
i737 and wretchedness. 

In 1737, on a rumour that the Spaniards, at 
the Havannah and St. Augustine, were making 
preparations for the invasion of the colony, the 
government, at the request of the trustees, sent 
over a regiment of six hundred men for its defence. 
Each soldier, at the end of seven years, might be 
discharged with a title to twenty acres of land. The 
parliament also made another grant of twenty thous- 
and pounds, enabling the trustees to transport into 
the colony a fresh embarkation of persecuted protes- 
tants. Within the term of seven years, from June, 
1732, to June, 1740, the British parliament granted 
Donations /. 94,000 for the settlement of Georgia. The bene- 
pendt* factions made to the corporation for that purpose, in 
turesin Great Britain, amounted to /. 16,704,6,3,2. and those 
ment e of le ' in Carolina to /• 1,296,5,9. The whole sum given 
Georgia, was /. 112,000, 12,0,2. Of this, during the seven 
years, the trustees expended /. 106,081,4,5,2. They 
had settled in the colony 687 men, and 634 women 
and children, 1521 persons; equal to 304 families, 
reckoning five to a family. Of this number 915 
were originally poor British subjects, and 606 were 
poor foreign protestants. The settlement of each 
person cost the nation about 70/. and each family 
about /.350. Within the same period, it appears 
from the quantity of lands granted, allowing the same 
proportion to rich and poor, that they had settled 
977 rich people. So that in 1740, there were 2,498 
inhabitants, equal to 500 families.* This is, on sup- 
position that all the lands granted were settled, and 
that none of the planters were dead. Neither of 
these can be supposed : but it is probable, that the 
increase of the planters amounted to all deficiencies 
by death or otherwise. 

* I have before me an account of benefactions, expenditures, and 
grants made, and of the poor people sent over to the colony the first 
seven years. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 285 

Besides the expenditures which have been stated, chap. 
the nation was at the expense of transporting a reg- 
iment of 600 men into Georgia, and of arming, cloth- 
ing, victualling, and paying them during three of the 
seven years. This, probably, amounted to as much 
as all the other expenses. We may therefore esti- 
mate the cost of settling every person for the term of 
seven years at /.70 at least, and of each family at 
1.350 At this time nothing had been received, by 
way of compensation, nor was any thing received for 
many years after this period. The corporation af- 
terwards expended /.5, 919,7, 7 the balance remaining 
on hand in 1740, in advancing the settlement of the 
colony. At the same time the nation were at great 
and constant expense for its protection. 

Upon the declaration of war against Spain, Mr. 
Oglethorpe was vested with a general command. 
As the Spaniards had been bad neighbours in peace, 
and as it was expected they would be much worse in 
war, he undertook an expedition against Florida. 
Assisted by Virginia and the Carolinas, he marched Ogle- 
with an army of more than two thousand men, con- thor Pf.' s 
sisting of regulars, provincials, and Indian allies. tion, 
He took two Spanish forts, Diego and Moosa. He l74, °- 
invested St. Augustine, cannonaded and bombarded it 
for a considerable time. By sea he was assisted by 
captain Vincent Price, with several twenty gun ships; 
but after all their exertions, the general was obliged 
to raise the seige and return with considerable loss. 

Two years after, the Spaniards in their turn in- 1742. 
vaded Georgia. In May, 1742, two thousand land 
forces, under the command of Don Antonio de Ro- 
dando, from the Havannah, under a strong convoy, 
arrived at St. Augustine. This armament was dis- Spanish 
covered on its passage, by captain Haymer of the arma- 
Flamborough man of war, who was cruising on the ment ' 
coast, and advice was immediately sent to general 
Oglethorpe of its arrival in Florida. The general Prepara* 
sent intelligence, with the utmost expedition, to gov- *'°"f for 
ernour Glen of South Carolina, desiring him, with tion. 



286 A GE.NERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, all possible despatch, to collect, and send on to his 
assistance, all the force in his power. He also re- 
1742 quested him to despatch a sloop to the West Indies, 
to acquaint admiral Vernon with the intended inva- 
sion of the country. Georgia, Port Royal, and the 
inhabitants of the southern frontiers of South Caroli- 
na, began to tremble. Many of the inhabitants of 
the latter deserted their habitations ; and, with their 
families and effects, repaired to Charleston. But 
the Carolinians though exposed to the same dangers 
with their fellow subjects, in Georgia, and though it 
was their policy to keep the enemy at a distance, yet 
having imbibed prejudices against general Oglethorpe, 
on the account of his late unsuccessful expedition 
against St. Augustine, determined to provide for 
their own defence, and leave him to act alone, in 
opposing the superior force which was coming against 
him. 

Meanwhile the general made all possible prepara- 
tions for a vigorous defence. Message after mes- 
sage was sent to his Indian allies, who, as they had a 
great esteem for his person, flocked to his camp. 
With his own regiment, such rangers and highland- 
ers as could be mustered in Georgia, amounting on- 
ly to seven hundred men, exclusive of his Indians, 
he fixed his head quarters at Frederica, determining 
in case of an attack, to sell his life as dearly as pos- 
sible, in defence of the province. At the same time 
he had no doubt of a reinforcement from Carolina, 
for which he every day waited with anxious expec- 
tation. The Spanish armament after a considerable 
reinforcement from St. iVugustine, on the last of 
invade 1 * June came to anchor off Simon's bar. The fleet 
Georgia, consisted of thirty two sail, having on board more 
than three thousand men, commanded by Don Man- 
uel de Monteano. After they had spent some time, 
in sounding the channel, and found a sufficient depth 
of water, with the tide of flood, they stood in for 
Jekyl sound. The general, who was now at Simon's 
fort, fired upon them and made every exertion in his 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 287 

power to prevent their passing up the river. The chap. 
Spaniards returned the fire from their ships, and pro- VI1L 
ceeded up the river Alatamaha, beyond the reach of "~~ 
his guns. Hoisting a red flag at the mizzen-topmast- 
head of the largest ship, they landed on the island 
and erected a battery of twenty eighteen pounders. 
Among their land forces was a fine artillery compa- 
ny, under the command of Don Antonio Rodondo. 
General Oglethorpe finding that he could not pre- 
vent the enemy's going up the river, and that their 
force was so great that it was unsafe, with his hand- 
ful of men, to remain at fort Simon's, nailed up his 
cannon, burst his bombs and cohorns, and destroying 
the stores, retreated to his head quarters at Frederica. 
He perceived, that the most he could do, was, by Conduct 
vigilant and vigorous measures, to act on the defen- and diffi- 
sive, to plan all means of retarding the enemy and of cultiesof 
gaining time till he should receive a reinforcement, og-ie- 
This he constantly expected from Carolina. While thorpe, 
his main body were working on the fortifications, 
and making them as strong as possible, in their cir- 
cumstances, scouting parties were kept out to watch 
every motion of the enemy. Night and day the In- 
dian allies, assisted by the highlanders, ranged through 
the woods, harassed the out posts, and, as far as pos- 
sible, obstructed the approach of the enemy. The 
general was pressed with' difficulties. "He not only 
wanted men but provisions. These were neither 
good nor plentiful. The enemy commanded the 
river, and he was at so great a distance from the 
settlements, that there was no prospect of a supply. 
But to prolong the defence, which was of the utmost 
consequence, not only to Georgia, but to Carolina, 
the general concealed from the army every discourag- 
ing circumstance. To inspire them with vigour and 
perseverance, he exposed himself to the same hard- 
ships and fatigues with the meanest soldier. The 
enemy made several attempts to pierce through the 
woods to the attack of the fortress at Frederica ; but 
they met with such opposition from deep morasses 



288 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, and dark thickets, lined with fierce Indians and wild 
Highlanders, that, in every instance, they were re- 
1742. pulsed. Numbers of their officers and best troops 
were slain, and more than a hundred men taken pris- 
oners. On this the Spanish general kept his men 
under cover of his cannon, and proceeded up the 
river with a number of galliesto reconnoitre the fort, 
and to draw the attention of general Oglethorpe to that 
quarter. To counteract this design the general detach- 
ed parties of his Indians to lie in ambush in the woods, 
along the shore, to prevent the enemy's landing. 
Learning that there was a difference in the Spanish 
army, so that the troops from Cuba, and those from St. 
Augustine, formed two distinct camps, he conceived 
the plan of surprising one of them. His knowledge 
of the woods gave him great advantage for the exe- 
cution of his design. He marched out under the 
cover of night, with a number of chosen men, and 
having advanced within two miles of the enemy's 
camp, he halted his main body, and advanced 
with a small party to view the situation of the enemy. 
While he was conducting every thing with the ut- 
most secrecy a Frenchman in his service, firing his 
piece, deserted and gave the alarm to the enemy. As 
the general's plan was defeated, by this perfidy, he 
retreated to head quarters. But deeply apprehen- 
sive of the mischief which this treacherous villain 
might effect, by discovering his weakness, he began 
to devise means to defeat the credit of his informa- 
tions. With this view he addressed a letter to the 
French deserter, desiring him to acquaint the Span- 
iards with the defenceless state of Frederica, and how 
practicable it would be to cut him and his small gar- 
rison in pieces ; and begged him, as his spy, to 
Ogie- bring them on to the attack. If he could not, he 
thorpe's desired him to use all his art, to persuade them to 
Eo'gSfrid tan T> at least, three days more at fort Simon's, inti- 
oftheene- mating that within that time he should receive such 
™y- a reinforcement from Carolina, with six British 

ships of war, that he should be able to give a* good 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 289 

account of the Spaniards. At the same time, he urg- chap. 

ed him not to mention a word of admiral Vernon's '_ 

coming against St. Augustine. He concluded with 1742 . 
assurances, that for his services he should receive an 
ample compensation. This letter was entrusted to a 
Spanish captive, who for the sake of obtaining his 
liberty and for a small reward, engaged to deliver 
it to the French deserter. But instead of delivering 
it to him, he, agreeably to the wishes of the general, 
conveyed it directly to the commander of the Spanish 
army. 

Great was the perplexity, various the conjectures Their pe"r- 
and speculations, which this letter occasioned in the piexity 
Spanish camp. The commander himself was not a ™ n lV18 * 
little perplexed. The deserter was put in irons, an 
a council of war was called, to deliberate on tl 
measures to be taken, in a case so puzzling and ex- 
traordinary. Some of the officers were of opinion, 
that it was only a stratagem to deceive them, and 
prevent the attack of Frederica. Others imagin- 
ed that the matters mentioned in the letter were 
probable ; that the English general might wish for 
an attack, and to detain them till a reinforcement 
should arrive, or till admiral Vernon should make 
himself master of Augustine. They were therefore 
for dropping a plan of conquest attended with so 
many difficulties, and for consulting their own safety 
and that of Augustine ; lest, while they were at- 
tempting conquests, they should be conquered them* 
selves, and lose Florida. While the Spaniards were 
employed in these deliberations, and embarrassed 
with contrary opinions, an event, entirely providen- 
tial, took place, which at once united their councils. 
Three ships of force, sent out by the governour of, 
Carolina, at this nick of time, appeared on. the coast. 
This corresponding with the intimations given in the 
letter, convinced the Spanish general of the truth of 
its contents. The Spaniards, in imagination, saw a Sudden 
vast reinforcement at hand, and were so panic struck, Augu«- ° 
that they immediately set fire to the fort, and em- tine. 

Vol. I. 37" 



290 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, barked in such hurry and confusion, that some can* 
_J_[_ non, a quantity of provision and military stores were 
1742 left behind.* 

In this very providential and remarkable manner, 
was Georgia delivered from the very jaws of des- 
truction. Fifteen days was Don Manuel de Monteano 
on the small island, on which Frederica stands, with- 
out effecting any thing of importance. He was fright- 
ed, and all his designs defeated, by a mere stratagem, 
in which general Oglethorpe lost not a man. 

In this resolute defence, general Oglethorpe dis- 
played both personal courage and military skill ; and 
not only saved Georgia, but, probably, a considera- 
ble part of South Carolina from destruction. He 
performed singular services for the. country, and 
merited an equal degree of applause and thanks from 
both colonies. 

It is not improbable that the principal designs of 
the Spaniards were against Carolina; and had they 
succeeded in Georgia, Port Royal, the southern fron- 
tiers of South Carolina, and Charleston itself, might 
have fallen an easy prey to their victorious arms. It 
was by far the most formidable armament ever employ- 
ed against that part of the country. It was in a pecu- 
liar manner calculated to distress and ruin Carolina. 
Augustine, before the war, had been the grand re- 
sort of all runagate negroes. The governour of Au- 
gustine had not only refused, on application, to deliver 
them up to their masters, but had proclaimed pro- 
tection and liberty to all who should repair to hiimf 
The Spaniards had now a negro regiment whose of- 
ficers were negroes clothed in lace, and bore the 
same rank as the white officers, and with the same 
familiarity walked and conversed with the Spanish 
general. Many, if not the principal part of these 
were refugees from Carolina. Had the Spaniards 
penetrated into that province, where, at that period, 
there were more than 40,000 negroes, they might, 

* Hist. S. Cai\ vol. ii. p. 112—119. \ Ibid. vol. ii. p. 71. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 291 

with such an example, have soon acquired numbers chap. 

against whom, no force in Carolina could have made 

any effectual resistance. 1742 

Though the Carolinians exhibited as little good 
policy as good neighbourhood in this affair, yet they, as 
well as the inhabitants of Georgia, under the all gov- 
erning hand of Providence, experienced a very mem- 
orable deliverance. 

The inhabitants of Port Royal and its vicinity ex- 
pressed their deep sensibility of it, in their address 
to general Oglethorpe, on this occasion. In it are 
the following sentences : 

" We, the inhabitants of the southern parts of Car- 
olina, beg leave to congratulate yonr excellency on 
your late wonderful success, over your and our in- 
veterate enemies, the Spaniards, who so lately invad- 
ed Georgia, in such a numerous and formidable 
body, to the great terror of his majesty's subjects in 
these southern parts. It was very certain, had the 
Spaniards succeeded in those attempts against your 
excellency, they would also have entirely destroyed 
us, laid our province waste and desolate, and filled 
our habitations with blood and slaughter ; so that. 
his majesty must have lost the fine and spacious har- 
bour of Port Royal, where the largest ships in the 
British nation may remain in security on any occa- 
sion." 

So inglorious was this event to the Spanish arms, 
that on the return of the troops to the Havannah, the 
commander was imprisoned, that he might take his 
trial for his conduct, during the expedition. Though 
the enemy threatened to renew the invasion, yet they 
seem, never since, to have made any attempts to get 
possession of the country by force of arms. 

Provisions and succours of all kinds were near 
at hand ; and, on any emergency, might be obtained 
of the sister colonies. But when the first colonies 
were planted, these were not to be had short of a 
voyage of three thousand miles across the Atlantic, 



292 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 
VIII. 



1752. 



General 
observa- 
tions on 
the south, 
ei'n colo- 
nies. 



However, after all this national expense, the colo- 
ny remained in a languishing and distressed condi- 
tion. Notwithstanding the liberal and noble designs 
of the trustees, they imposed on it so many impoli- 
tic, though well meant restrictions ; subjected the 
inhabitants to so many forfeitures and hardships, as 
reduced them to a state of discouragement and 
wretchedness too great for human nature long to en- 
dure. The Carolinians, in pity, invited them over 
the river Savannah to settle under their government. 
While some abandoned the colony, others who re- 
mained fell into a state of tumult and confusion. In 
view of their unhappy condition, and wearied with 
their reiterated complaints, the trustees made a sur- 
render of their charter to the crown. 

In i752, the government became regal, similar to 
that of the other royal governments in America. 
John Reynolds, a naval officer, was appointed their 
governour. 

At this period, almost twenty j^ears from its first 
settlement, the vestiges of cultivation were hardly 
perceptible in the forests of Georgia. In England 
all commerce with the colony was not only neglect- 
ed, but even despised. The whole amount of its 
annual exports fell short of ten thousand sterling. 
Nor did it, under the royal government, for many 
years, emerge from its poverty and various embarrass- 
ments. 

The poverty of the southern colonies, and their slow 
progress in cultivation and improvement, after their 
first settlement, was principally owing to these causes, 
Their unskilfulness in husbandry, their ignorance 
of the productions, which were natural to the coun- 
try and most profitable to the planter, their indolence 
and want of a spirit of enterprise. 

Virginia is one the finest countries both for wheat 
and cattle, yet for more than a century from the 
commencement of its settlement, a great proportion 
of the people lived on pone, Indian bread, rather 
than be at the trouble of sowing and fencing a field 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 093 

of wheat. With respect to their cattle, rather than chap. 
be at the pains to make proper provision for them, in 
winter, they would suffer them to be so pinched 
with hunger, as nearly to die, and so stint their 
growth, as to prevent their ever being so large and 
fat, or in other respects so profitable as otherwise 
they might have been. Hence their beef and mut- 
ton were not so good as in England or the northern 
colonies. Whereas with a small decree of care and 
feeding in the winter, they would have been as large 
as the English cattle, and the beef, perhaps, equal to 
any in the world. The Virginians had the best lands 
for hemp and flax ; their sheep increased plentifully, 
and yielded good fleeces ; the mulberry tree grew as 
naturally as the weed, and the silk worm would thrive 
exceedingly without danger ; yet, they brought their 
clothing of all kinds, linen, woolen, silk, hats, and 
leather from England. They had a plenty of hides, 
but most of them lay and rotted. Their sheep were 
shorn only to cool them. They abounded in deer skins 
of the best quality, but he was a rare economist, who 
manufactured a pair of leather breeches. Nay, 
though they had the finest groves of timber, yet at 
the distance of a hundred and fifteen or twenty years 
from their first settlement, they imported all their 
wooden ware, not only their cabinets, chests, tables, 
chairs, and boxes, but even their cart-wheels, bowls, 
and brooms from England.* 

In the Carolinas and Georgia, the case was very 
similar, for many years after their first plantation. 
It was not till after their respective governments be- 
came regal, that either of them made any considera- 
ble progress in cultivation. After this period, some 
of the most enterprising among the inhabitants, be- 
gan to discover their richest lands and what were 
their most natural and profitable productions. These 
were now looked out with that keenness of sight, 
secured and cultivated, with that avidity and ardour, 

* Beverley's Hist. Virg. p. 252, 253, 255, 256. 



294 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, which the prospects of wealth naturally inspire. 
Tradesmen and artificers began to be introduced 
among the planters, and both the plantations and 
buildings began to assume a better appearance.* 

As late as the year 1756, Georgia remained little 
better than a wilderness. The rich swamps on the 
rivers were not cultivated, and the planters had not 
found their way into the interior parts of the country, 
where the lands are not only more fertile than those 
on the sea coast, but the climate is far more health- 
ful and pleasant. The whole amount of the exports 
from Georgia, at this period was only 16,776 pounds 
sterling. 

Governour Wright, by his example and success, 
first gave spring, to a spirit of industry and emula- 
tion, to the inhabitants of this province. He was 
not only a father to it, but discovering the excellen- 
cy of its low lands and river swamps, and the mode 
of cultivation, in a few years, made himself master 
of a handsome fortune. The planters, thus taught 
the road to wealth, eagerly seized and cultivated the 
rich lands, and soon after the peace of Paris, 1763, 
rose to a state of ease, respectability, and opulence. 
At this period the whole amount of its exports were 
no more than 27,021 pounds sterling. From this 
time the increase was so rapid, that in 1773 the 
amount of the exports of its staple commodities was 
121,677 pounds sterling, f The colony enjoyed an 
increasing state of prosperity, till the commence- 
ment of hostilities between Great Britain and her 
colonies. 

* Hist. S. Car. vol. ii. p. 15, 16. f Ibid, vol, ii. p. 267. 



CHAP. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 295 



CHAPTER IX. 

War with the eastern Indians. Brunswick destroyed. Canso sur- 
prised and seventeen vessels taken by the enemy. Attempts to 
engage the Five Nations in war against the eastern Indians. The 
English take and burn Nurridgewock. Peace made with the In- 
dians. French war. Duviviere takes Canso. Expedition of the 
New Englanders against Louisburg. Remarkable deliverance of 
New England. 

1 HE peace concluded with the Indians, in seven- 
teen hundred thirteen was of short duration. Some 
dissatisfaction seems to have arisen, as early as the ~ ix 
year seventeen hundred seventeen. Even before 
this time some injuries had been done to the English. 
Colonel Shute, governour of the Massachusetts, wish - 
ing to prevent hostilities, met the Indians in a general 
treaty at Arowsick. They complained that encroach- 
ments had been made on their lands, and expressed 
their dissatisfaction that so many forts had been built, 
at one place and another. They also complained that 
trading houses had not been erected for the purposes 
of taking off their commodities, and supplying them 
with necessaries. The governour promised them, 
that trading houses should be built, that armorers 
should be sent down, at the expense of the province, 
and that for their commodities, they should be sup- 
plied with provision, clothing, and other necessaries. 
There was a renewal of former treaties and an ami- 
cable conclusion of the conference. 

It was expected that the general court would have 
adopted measures, to carry the several matters, stip- 
ulated by the governour, into immediate execution. 
But such was the general disaffection to the govern- 
our, that it induced the court, sometimes, to oppose 
his measures, even when they were wise and saluta- 
ry. The treaty was therefore disapproved, and 
nothing was done for the performance of a single ar- 
ticle which had been stipulated. The private trad- 



296 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, ers, by their frauds and other injuries, irritated the 
Indians, and the French Jesuits among them roused 
172l them to war.* Some damages were done to the 
English. 

August The general court therefore resolved, that three 

W2l. hundred men should be sent to the head quarters of 
the Indians, and that proclamation should be made, 
commanding them, on pain of being prosecuted with 
the utmost severity, to deliver up the Jesuits, and 
the other heads and fomenters of the rebellion, and 
to make satisfaction for the damages they had done. 
If they should refuse a compliance, it was ordered, 
that as many of their principal men, as the command- 
ing officer should judge expedient, should be seized 
and sent to Boston. If opposition should be made, 
they were to repel force by force. The governour 
and judge Sewel, one of the council, scrupled the 
lawfulness and prudence of a war with the Indians, 
and therefore the troops were not sent, as the court 
had resolved. 

At the next session the house manifested their 
dissatisfaction that the troops were not sent out ; 

Nov 3< and resolving " That the government has still suf- 
ficient reason for prosecuting the eastern Indians 
for their many breaches of covenant," a party of 
men was ordered up to Norridgewock, their chief 
town. Here was an Indian church, and father Ralle, 
a Jesuit, whom the Indians, in a manner, idolized, 
was their pastor. The party effected nothing more 
than the bringing off some of the Jesuit's books and 
papers. His faithful disciples took care for the se- 
curity of his person and fled to the woods. 

This attempt was such an insult as the Indians 
could not brook. From this time they meditated 

June ) i722. nothing but revenge. The next June, about sixty 
of them captivated nine families at Merrymeeting 
bay. A small party took the collector of the cus- 
toms, at Annapolis royal, Mr. Newton, John Adams, 

* Hutch, vol. ii. p. 218, 221, 270. 



UNITED, STATES OF AMERICA. 297 

captain Blin, and a number of passengers, who put chap. 
in at one of the Passimaquidies, in their way from IX ' 
Nova Scotia to Boston. Another party burned a 
sloop at St. George's river, made a number of pris- 
oners, and attempted to surprise the fort. Soon 
after the enemy burnt Brunswick, a village between 
Casco bay and Kennebeck. Captain Harman, who 
had been posted with a party on the frontiers, pur- 
sued the enemy, killed a considerable number, and 
took their arms. 

Upon this war was proclaimed against the enemy, July 25. 
and became general. The Norridgewocks, Penob- ^ Vur with 
scot, St. Francois, Cape Sable, and St. John's In- em iS! * 
dians, all united in hostilities against New England.* dians - 
They ravaged all the frontiers, from Nova Scotia to 
Connecticut river. For three years large numbers 
of men were employed in ranging the enemy's 
country, and guarding the frontiers. Connecticut, 
though not immediately exposed, as the Massachu- 
setts and New Hampshire were, assisted her sister 
colonies in this, as she had done in all. the preceding 
Indian wars.f Her troops were employed princi- 
pally in the defence of the frontier towns of the 
Massachusetts in the county of Hampshire. 

The country was now much stronger than in the 
former Indian wars ; the fortresses on the frontiers 
were more numerous, and much better furnished 
with men and provisions. The experience which 
had been gained in former wars, taught the colonists 
more skill and foresight in fighting Indians, than 
they had before employed. The Indians were less 
numerous, more scattered, and generally at a greater 
distance than in former wars. They nevertheless 

* Hutch, vol. ii. p. 294, 295. 
f From the year 1688 to 1695 the colony expended about 5,000/. in 
expeditions, aids, and succours for the defence of the province of New 
York. Within the same period the colony expended nearly 2,000/. for 
the defence of the Massachusetts. From the year 1703 to 1706, Con- 
necticut expended nearly 11,000/ more in the defence of ihe same 
province. The currency in these times was about three fourths the 
value of sterling money. Reasons in bthalf of Connecticut against par- 
liamentary taxation, p. 29. 

Vol. I. 38 



298 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, killed many of the inhabitants and did the New 
England colonies very essential injuries. 

Feb. 11- h, ^ n February, colonel Westbrook was despatched 
1T23. with a hundred and thirty men, to Kennebeck ; and 
with whale boats and small vessels, ranged the coast 
as far as Mount Desert. On his return he sailed up 
Penobscot river; and about thirty two miles above the 
anchoring place, for the transports, discovered the 
Indian castie. It was seventy feet in length and 
fifty in breadth. Within were twenty three well 
finished wigwams. Without was a handsome church 
sixty feet long and thirty broad. There was also a 
commodious house for the Roman catholic priest. 
But these were all deserted, and nothing more was 
accomplished by the expedition, than the barbarous 
business of burning this Indian village. 

Captain Harman, about the same time, was sent, 
with a hundred and twenty men, on an expedition 
to Norridgewock ; but the rivers were so open, and 
the ground so full of water, that they could not pass 
either by land or water. After they had, with great 
difficulty reached the upper falls of Amascoggin, 
they divided into scouting parties and returned with- 
out seeing an enemy. 

Afterwards captain Moulton went up with a party 
of men to Norridgewock ; but the village was en- 
tirely deserted. He was a brave and prudent man, 
and, probably, imagining, that moderation and hu- 
manity might excite the Indians to a more favour- 
able conduct towards the English, he left their houses 
and church standing. Some books and papers of 
Ralle, the Jesuit, were brought off, by which it was 
discovered that the French were instigators of the 
war. 

April. As soon as the spring began to open the enemy 

renewed their hostilities. Eight persons were killed 
or taken, at Scarborough and Falmouth. Among 
the dead was a sergeant Chubb, whom the Indians 
imagining to be captain Harman, against whom they 



IX. 
172t 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 299 

had conceived the utmost malignity, fifteen aiming chap. 
at him, at the same instant, lodged eleven bullets in 
his body. 

Besides other mischief, the enemy, the summer 
following, surprised Casco, with other harbours in 
its vicinity, and captured sixteen or seventeen sail of 
fishing vessels. The vessels belonged to the Mas- 
sachusetts ; but governour Philips of Nova Scotia, 
happening to be at Casco, ordered two sloops to be 
immediately manned and despatched in pursuit of 
the enemy. The sloops were commanded by John 
Eliot of Boston, and John Robinson of Cape Anne. 
As Eliot was ranging the coast he discovered seven 
vessels in Winepang harbour. He concealed his 
men, except four or five, and made directly for the 
harbour. Coming nearly up to one of the vessels, 
on board of which were about sixty Indians, in high 
expectation of another prize, they hoisted their pen- 
dants and cried out, " Strike English dogs and come 
aboard, for j^ou are all prisoners." Eliot answered 
that he would make all the haste he could. As he 
made no attempts to escape, the enemy soon sus- 
pected mischief, cut their cable and attempted to 
gain the shore ; but immediately boarding them he 
prevented their escape. For about half an hour they 
made a brave resistance, but Eliot's hand-grenadoes 
made such havock among them, that at length, those 
who had not been killed took to the water, where 
they were a fair mark for the English musketeers, 
Five only reached the shore. Eliot received three 
bad wounds, had one man killed and several wound- 
ed. He recovered seven vessels, several hundred 
quintals of fish, and fifteen captives. Many of the 
captives had been sent away, and nine had been mur- 
dered in cold blood. The Nova Scotia Indians 
were characterized as more cruel than the other In- 
dian nations. 

Robinson re-took two vessels and killed several of 
the enemy. The Indians had carried the other ves- 
sels so far up the bay, above Malagash harbour that 



300 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, it was not safe to pursue them, as he had not a suffi- 
cient number of men to land and put to flight the 
17 r 23> more numerous enemy. 

The loss of such a number of men determined the 
enemy to seek revenge on the poor fishermen. Twen- 
ty of these yet remained in their hands, at the har- 
bour of Malagash. These were all destined to be 
sacrificed to the manes of the slaughtered Indians. 
At the very time, that the powawing and other cere- 
monies, attending such horrible purposes, were just 
commencing, captain Blin, who sometime before 
had been a prisoner among them, arrived off the har- 
bour ; and made the signal, or sent in the token, 
which it had been agreed between them, should be 
the sign of protection. Three Indians came on 
board, and an agreement was made for the ransom 
both of the ships and captives. These were deliver- 
ed, and the ransom paid. Thus providentially 
were these poor men rescued from an untimely and 
barbarous death. 

This Nova Scotia affair, was, by no means, fortu- 
nate to the Indians. Besides the loss which they 
had already sustained, captain Blin, in his way to 
Boston, captivated a number of them, near Cape Sa- 
bles ; and captain Southack a number more, which 
they brought on with them to Boston. 

Sept. 16. Before the close of the year, four or five hundred 

Damage Indians made a descent on the island of Arowsick. 

Sck 1W ^he soldiers, guarding the labourers in the fields, 
discovered them, and gave the alarm so seasonably 
to the inhabitants, that they had time to shelter them- 
selves in the fort, and also to secure part of their 
goods, before the enemy came upon them. They 
commenced an immediate attack on the fort; but 
finding after they had fired some time, that they 
could not carry their point with respect to this, they 
fell to plundering and burning the houses and de- 
stroying the cattle. About fifty head were killed, and 
thirty dwelling houses were burnt. With pain did 
the inhabitants behold this destruction, lamenting 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 301 

their want of numbers to make a sally and prevent chap. 
the mischief. But the garrison consisted of forty IX " 
men only, under the command of captains Temple 1723 
and Penhallovv. These were no match for such 
numbers. The enemy drew off, in the night, and 
retired to head quarters at Norridgewock.* 

From April till the last of December, the enemy 
kept the country in continual alarm. More than 
forty people were killed and taken, in various places, 
besides those which have been mentioned. The 
most of them were killed. 

Attempts had been made, by the Massachusetts, 
to engage the Five Nations and Scatacook Indians in 
the war. For this purpose commissioners had 
been sent to Albany, with such proposals, as were 
judged proper to induce them to take up the hatchet 
against the eastern Indians. The Indians conduct- Negotia- 
ed the affair with great art. All the encouragement tion with 
obtained was, that the Five Nations would send a Nationlt 
number of delegates to Boston, to treat on the sub- Aug. 21. 
ject. Accordingly, not less than sixty of them went 
to Boston, at the session of the general court. A 
very formal conference was holden with them, in the 
presence of the whole court. But the delegates 
would not involve their principals in war. After 
they had amused the commissioners, and drawn a 
large sum in valuable presents from the government, 
they answered, that if any of their young men were 
inclined to go out with parties of the English, they 
might do as they pleased. Thus after high expec- 
tations, much trouble and expense, the affair issued 
without contributing, in the least, either to the honour 
or defence of the province. 

In the beginning of the next year the war was less 
favourable to the English, than it had been in the 
preceding. Their losses, on the whole, exceeded 
those of the enemy. However, before the close of 
the year, they received several such blows, as made 

* Hutch, vol. ii. n. 294—297". 



302 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 
IX. 

1724. 



April 30. 
Captain 
"Winslow 
killed. 



Indian 
feats by 
water. 



them weary of the war, and disposed them to an ac- 
commodation. 

In March they began to alarm and kill the inhabi- 
tants ; and in little more than two months, they 
killed people at Cape Porpoise, at Black Point, on 
Kennebeck river, at Berwick, Lamprey, and Oyster 
rivers, and at Kingston. They also killed and cap- 
tivated several on Connecticut river. 

Captain Josiah Winslow, who had been stationed 
at the fort on St. George's river, with part of his 
company, had been surprised and cut off. He went 
out from the fort with two whale boats, fourteen 
white men, and three Indians. It seems the enemy 
watched their motions, and on their return, suddenly 
surrounded them, with thirty canoes, whose com- 
plement was not less than a hundred Indians. The 
English attempted to land, but were intercepted, and 
nothing remained, but to sell their lives as dearly as 
possible. They made a brave defence, but every 
Englishman was killed. The three Indians escaped 
to report their hapless fall. 

Flushed with this success, the enemy attempted 
still greater feats on the water. They took two shal- 
lops at the Isles of Shoals. They then made seiz- 
ures of other vessels in different harbours. Among 
others they took a large schooner carrying two swiv- 
el guns. This they manned and cruised along the 
coast. 

It was imagined that a small force would be able 
to conquer these raw sailors. A shallop of sixteen, 
and a schooner of twenty men, under captains Jack- 
son and Lakeman, were armed and sent in pursuit 
of the enemy. They soon came up with them, but 
raw as they were, they obliged the English vessels 
to sheer off, and leave them to pursue their own 
course. The vessels returned much damaged in 
their rigging by the swivel guns. Jackson and sev- 
eral of his men were wounded. 

Captain Durel, of the Seahorse man of war, was, 
at that time, on the Boston station. His lieutenant, 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 303 

master, and master's mate, each of them took" the C ^ P- 

command of a small vessel, with thirty men, and _ 

sailed in quest of the Indian seamen ; but they soon 1724. 
grew weary of the business, and returned without 
giving any intelligence of the enemy. The Indians 
took eleven vessels and forty five men. Twenty 
two they killed, and the others they carried into 
captivity. 

While this part of the enemy were accomplishing 
these feats by water, other parties were alarming the 
inland country, killing and captivating the inhabit- 
ants. Mischief was done at Groton, Rutland, North- 
ampton, and Dover. In all these places more or 
less were killed, some were wounded, and others 
carried into captivity. 

Weary and discouraged with fruitless attempts to 
intercept the Indians, by ranging the frontiers, it was 
determined to make another attempt to surprise them 
in their capital village atNorridgewock. Four com- 
panies, consisting in the whole, of two hundred and 
eighty men, under the command of captains Har- 
man, Moulton, Bourn, and lieutenant Bean, were 
despatched up the river Kennebeck. On the twen- Aug. 20. 
tieth of August they arrived at Taconick. Here 
leaving their boats, under a guard of forty men, they 
marched, the next day, for Norridgewock. In the 
evening they discovered two women, the wife and 
daughter of Bomazeen, the famous warrior and 
chieftain of Norridgewock. They fired upon them 
and killed his daughter, and then captivated his wife. 
By her they obtained a good account of the state of 
the village. On the twenty third they came near it, 
and as they imagined that part of the Indians would 
be in their corn fields, at some distance, it was thought 
expedient to make a division of the army. Harman, 
who was chief in command, marched with eighty 
men to the fields. Moulton with the remainder 
marched directly for the village. About three o'clock- 
it opened, suddenly upon them. The Indians were 
all in their wigwams entirely secure. Moulton 



304 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, marched his men in the profoundest silence, and or- 
dered, that not one of them should fire at random, 
1724 through the wigwams, nor till they should receive 
Suiprisui the enemy's fire ; as he expected they would come 
°. f 1 Nor " out in a panic and overshoot them. At length an 
wock, Indian stepping out discovered the English close 
Aug. 23. U p 0n them. He instantly gave the war whoop, and 
sixty warriors rushed out to meet them. The In- 
dians fired hastily, without injuring a man. The 
English returned the fire with great effect, and the 
Indians instantly fled to the river. Some jumped 
into their canoes, others into the river, which the 
tallest of them were able to ford. Moulton closely 
pursuing them, drove them from their canoes, and 
killed them in the river, so that it was judged, that 
not more than fifty of the whole village reached the 
opposite shore. Some of these were shot before 
they reached the woods. 

The English then returning to the village, found 
father Ralle, the Jesuit, firing from one of the wig- 
wams on a small number of men, who had not been 
in the pursuit of the enemy. One of these he wound- 
ed ; in consequence of which, one lieutenant Jaques 
burst the door and shot him through the head. Cap- 
tain Moulton had given orders not to kill him. Ja- 
ques excused himself, affirming that Ralle was load- 
ing his piece, and refused to give or receive quarter. 
With the English there were three Mohawks. Mog 
a famous Indian warrior firing from a wigwam kill- 
ed one of them. His brother in a rage flew to the 
wigwam, burst the door, and instantly killed Mog. 
The English followed, in a rage, and killed his 
squaw and two helpless children. Having cleared 
the village of the enemy they fell to plundering and 
destroying the wigwams. 

After the action was over Harman and his party 
came in from the fields, and the army lodged in the 
village. In the morning they found twenty six dead 
bodies besides that of the Jesuit. Among the dead 
were Bomazeen, Mog, Carabcset,Wissememet, and 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 305 

Bomazeen's son-in-law, all famous warriors. Char- chap. 

IX 

levoix says there were no more than thirty killed, 

and fourteen wounded. The English not only plun- 1724 . 

dered the village, but brought off the plate from the vuiag-e 

Roman catholic church, and, in their zeal against ^"burnf 

idolatry, broke the crucifixes and images with which 

it was adorned. After the English had marched off, 

one of the Mohawks was either sent back, or of his 

own accord, returned and burnt the wigwams and 

the church. This is the English account.* 

Charlevoix says, the English finding they had 
no body to resist them, fell first to pillaging and then 
burning the wigwams. They spared the church, 
so long as was necessary for their shamefully profan- 
ing the sacred vessels and the ardorable body of Je- 
sus Christ, and then set fire to it. He says, when 
the Indians returned to the village, they made it their 
first care to weep over the body of their holy mis- 
sionary. They found him shot in a thousand places, 
scalped, his skull broke to pieces with the blows of 
hatchets, his mouth and eyes full of mud, the bones 
of his legs fractured, and all his members mangled 
an hundred different ways. Thus was a priest treat- 
ed in his mission, at the foot of a cross, by those 
very men who have so strongly exaggerated the pre- 
tended inhumanity of our Indians, who have never 
made such carnage upon the dead bodies of their 
enemies. There is, doubtless, in this account, some 
mistake and exaggeration ; but according to our 
own, are there not sad marks of inhumanity ? Do 
not the instances of firing on the defenceless women, 
killing the daughter of Bomazeen, the wife and chil- 
dren of Mog, and father Ralle, appear to have been 
unnecessary and cruel ? Have not a promiscuous 
plundering and burning of towns and churches, the 
slaughter of defenceless women and children, been 
ever considered by Americans as barbarous, espec- 
ially when they have been the sufferers ? Can these 

* Hutch, vol. ii. n. 211, 213. 

Vol. I. 39 



;06 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, be less barbarous when they are the perpetrators ? 
When shall we be so happy, as to banish revenge 
172 4. from our rancorous hearts, and possess such benev- 
olence and greatness of spirit, as to treat our ene- 
mies with that justice, compassion, and humanity, 
which we think reasonable, and wish to have exer- 
cised towards ourselves ? 

To do justice to this story it should be observed, that 
Ralle had used his influence with the Norridgewocks, 
which was very great, and with the Indians in gen- 
eral, to engage them in the war. When the English 
attacked the village, he had with him an English boy, 
whom the Indians, about six months before, had 
captivated. This boy he had shot through the thigh, 
and afterwards, stabbed in his body. Captain Har- 
man, under oath, witnessed this act of cruelty.* The 
boy was brought home and cured of his wounds. 

Ralle was venerable for age, having been nearly 
forty years a missionary among the Indians. He 
was master of the learned languages, and from 
his letters, appeared to have been a man of superior 
natural powers. He held a correspondence with 
some of the ministers in Boston. His letters to them, 
written in Latin, were pure, classical, and elegant. 
Pride was the grand foible of his heart. He con- 
temned the English, often threatened and provoked 
them. He met death in that very war, of which he 
had been a principal incendiary. He had a great tal- 
ent at ingratiating himself with the Indians. To 
them he was dear as their own lives. He was indeed 
their idol. Charlevoix represents their esteem of 
him in the following sentence : " After his converts 
had raised up and oftentimes kissed the precious 
remains, so tenderly and so justly beloved by them, 
they buried him in the same place where, the even- 
ing before, he had celebrated the sacred mysteries, 
namely, where the altar stood before the church was 
burnt." 

* Hutch, vol. ii. p. 312. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 30; 

This was a fatal blow to the Norridgewocks. The chap. 
tribe dwindled and never made any figure afterwards. IX 

Encouraged by the success of this expedition, 1724 
others of a similar nature were immediately set on foot.. 
Colonel Westbrook, with three hundred men, march- 
ed across the country, from Kennebeck to Penobscot. 
Other parties were ordered up to Amesaconti and 
Amarescoggin : but no Indians could be found at 
the principal places of their common resort. The 
frontiers were nevertheless still harassed, and small 
numbers were killed and taken. 

From the commencement of the war, the govern- 
ment had given premiums for every Indian scalp or 
captive. This was now increased to a hundred 
pounds for each. At this encouragement, John 
Lovewell raised a company of volunteers to hunt 
the Indians. On his first attempt he brought in one Jan. s, 
scalp and a captive. He made a second, in which l725 - 
he discovered ten Indians about a fire, all in a deep 
sleep. He ordered a part of his men to fire, who 
killed three. As the other seven arose they were all 
shot dead, by the rest of the company, who reserved 
their fire for that purpose. In a little more than two March 3. 
winter months, he and his party had made twelve 
hundred pounds in hunting Indians. 

Flushed with repeated success, he made a third 
expedition with a company of thirty men. The In- 
dians, in the mean time, were not idle, but vigilantly 
sought to revenge the blood of their slaughtered 
brethren. In May, as Lovewell and his company Love „ 
were ranging the country, a prompt Indian presented well's 
himself, on a point of land adjoining to a Jarge pond, ^ay's 
on purpose to decoy them. Captain Lovewell soon 
suspected his design, and that a body of Indians were 
near at hand. He ordered his men to lay down their 
packs and prepare for action. The Indian kept still 
in view, gradually leading them round the pond, till 
he had drawn them a sufficient distance from their 
packs, and then suffering them to approach within 
gun shot, he discharged upon Lovewell, wounded 



308 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 
IX. 

1725. 



Peace 
with the 
Indians. 



him and one of his men. The Indian was instantly 
shot dead and scalped. Meanwhile a body of In- 
dians who lay concealed seized the packs, and at a 
place chosen for their purpose, waited the return of 
the English. When they came to the place, about 
eighty Indians arose, yelled, fired, and in great fury, 
rushed upon them with their hatchets. Lovewell 
and his company made a gallant defence, and soon 
taught the enemy the danger of approaching too near 
them. To secure their rear and prevent the enemy's 
surrounding them, they retreated to the pond ; where, 
notwithstanding the numbers and rage of the enemy, 
they fought them six hours, till night came on and 
finished the combat. Captain Lovewell, his lieuten- 
ant, and ensign were soon mortally wounded ; and, 
with five more, were left dead on the place of action. 
Sixteen escaped unhurt. Eight were wounded and 
left in the woods without provisions. Of these two 
only came in, the others perished with hunger and 
their wounds. Though the English sustained great 
loss, yet the Indians were totally disappointed, and 
probably sustained a loss still much greater. Such 
brave men cannot be supposed to have fought six 
hours without doing important execution. 

This unfortunate enterprise, however, finished the 
business of scalping parties. Both the English and 
the Indians were weary of the war. Ralle was now 
dead, and the Indians were left to pursue their own 
inclinations. 

In June hostilities ceased. Four Indians soon af- 
ter came to Boston ; and, in behalf of the Indian 
tribes, whom they represented, signed a treaty of 
peace. This was afterwards ratified, at Falmouth 
in Casco bay, by Mr. Dummer, lieutenant govern- 
our of the Massachusetts, John Went worth, Esquire, 
lieutenant governour of New Hampshire, and Paul 
Mascarene, Esquire, of the council of Nova Scotia, 
commissioners from their respective governments. 
This treaty was succeeded by a long and happy peace 
with the Indians. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 309 

This has been applauded as the most judicious chap 
treaty ever concluded with them. But its happy x ' 
consequences were not at all owing to any thing in 1 ^ 5 
that, more than had been in other treaties. The ar- 
ticles were substantially the same. The pacific con- 
duct of the Indians was owing to a very different 
cause ; the justice and punctuality of the govern- 
ment in the fulfilment of its several articles.* Pro- 
vision was made for the support of trading houses, 
at Kennebeck, Saco, and St. George's rivers. Acts 
were made for the restraining of private trade with 
the Indians. They soon found that they were sup- 
plied with goods, not only on better terms, than they 
could purchase them of the French, but than they 
could purchase them even of the private English 
traders. This was, at once sufficient, and much more 
effectual to prevent private fraud and commerce than 
all the laws which could have been made for that 
purpose. This was not only a source of peace, but in 
another view, it was a public emolument. It turned 
the channel of the skin and fur trade, from the French 
to the English merchants. Would it not be happy 
were a similar policy immediately adopted with res- 
pect to the Indians, in every part of the United 
States ? Were they, at places of public trade, most 
convenient for them, to be furnished with all arti- 
cles, at a lower price than they could be obtained else- 
where, would it not, at once, prevent private fraud 
and commerce, increase the Indian trade, conciliate 
the affection and esteem of the Indian nations, and be 
the most effectual, and by far the cheapest mode of 
defence, though thousands of pounds should be sac- 
rificed for the purpose ? 

From this period to the commencement of the 
Spanish and French war the colonies experienced 
the blessings of general tranquillity. Their advances 
in the extent of their settlements, in cultivation, 
commerce, wealth, and population were very consid- 
erable. 

* Hutch, vol. ii. p. "17. 



310 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. The war with Spain in seventeen hundred thirty 

nine, soon began to interrupt this tranquil and pros- 

1725. P erous state °f tne colonies. The southern colonies 

War with were in immediate danger. Its effects with respect 

ciKned™ t0 tnem nave already been noticed. 

Oct. 23,' In the expedition against Cuba the northern colo- 

* 7 7 ll' nies furnished a considerable number of troops, and 
sustained a great loss of men, as they were mostly 
carried off by the uncommon mortality which pre- 
vailed in the army.* 

It was the general expectation, every year, that 
France would unite with Spain in prosecuting the war 
against Great Britain. It was therefore judged ex- 
pedient to be in readiness for such an event. The forts 
on the frontiers were put in a good state of defence. 
Castle William, the key of the Massachusetts colo- 
ny, was not only effectually repaired, but a new bat- 
tery of twenty forty two pounders was added to the 
works. A much larger magazine and greater sup- 
plies of powder than had before been usual were 
provided at the expense of the province. The can- 
non, mortars, shot, and other stores were the boun- 
ty of the crown. 

1744. Upon a representation of the defenceless state of 

Annapolis and Nova Scotia, by Mr. Mascarene, 
two hundred men were despatched by the Massa- 
chusetts, to reinforce the garrison on that station. 

March si. Though war had been declared against France 
early in the spring, yet it was not known in New- 
England, till the beginning of June. The French 
at Louisburg, it seems, had the knowledge of it at 
an earlier period. Duvivier made an expedition 
from thence, with nine hundred men, and on the 
thirteenth of May surprised Canso. With another 

* The sickness seems to have been almost as mortal as the plague. 
According to the general's account, no less than three thousand four 
hundred and forty five died, during the short space of two days. This 
was considerably more than a fourth part of the whole army. Of 
nearly a thousand men from New England, not more than ninety or a 
hundred returned. Of five hundred from Massachusetts fifty only 
returned. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 311 

party he soon after made an attempt on Annapolis ; 
but as it had been reinforced from the Massachu- 
setts, his expectations were disappointed. While 1744# 
the French were thus attacking us by land, many 
of our vessels were taken by their privateers and 
men of war, and carried into Louisburg. It became so 
dangerous to prosecute the fishery, that the fishermen 
gave up the design of going on their voyages the 
next summer. It was imagined, that no maritime 
business could be carried on but under convoy. 

In the fall of the year it became the general voice, 
that Louisburg must be taken. It was not however 
the apprehension of any, that it could be effected 
even by the united strength of the colonies. It was 
the general opinion, that application must be made to 
his majesty, both for a naval and land force, to carry 
it into execution. As the winter came on, sugges- 
tions were broached, that the place might, probably, 
be taken by surprise. Some who had been prison- 
ers at Louisburg, and professed to be well acquaint- 
ed with the fortifications and garrison, favoured this 
opinion. Mr. Vaughan, who had been a trader at 
Louisburg, was sanguine in the opinion, that it might 
be taken by a coup du main. It was the genera! 
opinion, that if the fortress could not be taken by 
surprise, yet, that the provisions for the garrison were 
so scant, that it would be impossible for it to stand a 
siege till the usual time for the arrival of supplies 
from France. At the same time it was talked, that 
a naval force might be provided to cruise off the 
harbour, sufficient to prevent the entrance of any 
chance vessels which might arrive. 

While this was the conversation abroad, it seems 
that Mr. Vaughan, who was zealous in the affair and 
has been called the projector of the expedition, pro- 
posed it togovernour Shirley. The governourmade 
diligent inquiry of those who had been traders and 
prisoners at Louisburg, concerning the condition of 
the fortress, the usual time of the arrival of supplies 
from Europe, the practicability of cruising- before the 



312 A GENERAL HISTORY OF TH£ 

chap, harbour, and whatever else might be necessary to 
obtain the fullest information relative to the affair. 
1744 Before this time, he had written to the ministry, 
representing the necessity of a naval force, early in 
the spring, for the preservation of Annapolis. If 
this should arrive, he hoped, that the commander, 
with that, would be willing to cover the provincial 
troops. Commodore Warren, with several capital 
ships, was cruising at the leeward islands. It was 
thought probable, that when he should be acquainted 
with the expedition, he would either come with his 
whole force, or, at least, send part of it to the assist- 
ance of the colonies. These, at most, were no more 
than probable conjectures, yet these were all the 
chances, which the colonies had of a naval force, in 
the spring, sufficient to cope with a single capital 
ship, which might arrive at Lbuisburg. The minis- 
try would indeed, by an immediate express, be ac- 
quainted with the expedition, but the distance be- 
tween Europe and America, was too great to expect 
any timely assistance. 
Plan of the The plan of the expedition was, that a land force 
tkma* 1 " °^ ^ our thousand troops, in small transports, should 
gainst proceed to Canso ; and, the first favourable oppor- 
wl! s " tunity, be landed in Chapeaurouge bay. They were 
to be furnished with cannon, mortars, ammunition, and 
all necessaries effectually to canyon the siege. To pre. 
vent the arrival of provisions and stores for the enemy, 
a number of vessels, as soon as the season would per- 
mit, were to be despatched to cruise before the har- 
bour of Louisburg. An estimate was made of all 
the naval force which the colonies could furnish. 
The largest ship which they could employ mounted 
no more than twenty guns ; and the whole number 
of armed vessels .did not amount to more than ten or 
twelve. With this land and sea force, it was said 
there was a good chance of success. If, agreeably 
to their expectations, the men of war should arrive, 
it was insisted, that there was every imaginable rea- 
son to expect the reduction of the place. The whole 



burg - . 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 313 

affair was so providential and extraordinary, and the chap. 
consequences so great, that it deserves a particular IX " 
relation. 1743> 

In the beginning of January, when the general 
court was sitting at Boston, governour Shirley com- 
municated the plan of the expedition to both houses. 
But he previously represented, that the message he 
was about to communicate was of such importance, 
that it required the utmost secrecy, and he wished 
the members to put themselves under an oath, not 
to divulge it, for such a time as the house should 
think proper. Without any scruple they bound 
themselves to secrecy, though it was the first in- 
stance, in the house of representatives. Many of the 
members, who had heard little or no conversation on 
the subject, were struck with amazement at the bare 
proposal. They imagined that it was an enterprise 
vastly too great, though there were a fair prospect of 
success. They were apprehensive, that it would 
create an expense which would ruin the country. 
But how wild and extravagant soever the scheme 
appeared, yet, in deference to the governour's recom- 
mendation, there was an appointment of a commit- 
tee of both houses to take the proposal into consid- 
eration. For several days it was deliberated with 
great attention. By those who were for the expedi- De ij ate on 
tion, it was insisted, that if Louisburg should con- the Louis- 
tinue in the hands of the French it would infallibly £" J^JJ 
prove the Dunkirk of New England : That the 
French trade had always been inconsiderable : 
That their fishery was on the decline, and that for 
several years, they had bought fish cheaper of the 
English, at Casco, than they could catch and cure 
them ; and that by privateering they might enrich 
themselves with the spoils of New England. It was 
also urged that in addition to these dangers, there 
was that, also, of losing Nova Scotia, which would 
instantly cause an increase of six or eight thousand 
enemies. It was also pleaded, that the garrison at 
Louisburg was disaffected, that provisions were 
Vol. I. 40 



1745. 



>|4 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, scarce, the works mouldering and decayed, and the 
IX ' governour an old man, unskilled in the arts of war ; 
and that now was the only time for success. It was 
said, that in another year the town of Louisburg 
would be so fortified as to become impregnable : 
That there was nothing to fear from any force al- 
ready there, and that before any could arrive from 
France, the garrison must be forced to surrender. It 
was also urged, that there was no probability of the 
arrival of any capital ship from France, so early in 
the year : That if any one should arrive separately, 
five or six of our small ones might be a match for 
her ; but that there was a greater probability that 
English men of war, from England or the West In- 
dies, would arrive before any from France. It was 
observed that there was always uncertainty in war, 
and that, if we were disappointed, we were able to 
bear the whole expense. It was said that if the ex- 
pedition succeeded it would be glorious. It would 
save the coasts of New England from molestation, 
and might give peace to Europe. To obviate the 
objection relative to the expense, it was observed, 
that Great Britain would reimburse the whole. 

On the other part it was replied, That we had bet- 
ter suffer in our trade, than by such an expensive 
measure, to deprive ourselves of all means of trade 
for the future : That we could annoy the enemy in 
their fishery, as much as they could us, in ours i 
That in a short time both parties would be willing 
to leave the fishery without molestation : That the 
accounts given of the works and garrison at Louis- 
burg could not be depended on : That the garrison 
at Louisburg were regular troops, who, though une- 
qual in numbers, would, in the field, be more than 
a match for all the raw, unexperienced militia, which 
could be sent from New England : That it was so 
difficult, at that season of the year for vessels to keep 
their station, and the weather was frequently so thick? 
that twenty cruisers would not prevent supplies from 
going into the harbour of Louisburg. It was further 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. i 315 

said, that there was no sufficient ground, for the ex- ch\p. 
pectation of any men of war to cover our troops : 
and that if one sixty gun ship should arrive, from 1745 
France or the French islands, she would be more 
than a match for all the armed vessels, which the 
colonies could provide : That our transports at Cha- 
peaurouge bay would be all destroyed, and the army 
on Cape Breton would be obliged to surrender to 
the mercy of the French : That the colonies would 
be condemned by the British court, for engaging in 
such an enterprise, without their knowledge or ap- 
probation ; and that they would be unpitied in iheir 
misfortunes, as they would be the natural effects of 
their own rash and wild measures. To these argu- 
ments it was added, that there was no certainty 'hat 
such a number of men, as had been proposed, could 
be raised, or that provisions, artillery, military stores, 
and transports sufficient for the expedition, could be 
obtained : That the season of the year was a great 
discouragement, as, in the winter, it frequently hap- 
pened, for many days together, that no business 
could be done abroad ; and that, though bills of pub- 
lic credit should be emitted to carry the expedition 
into effect, yet they would depreciate in a great de- 
gree, probably in proportion to the whole sum emit- 
ted. Finally, it was said, that if the enterprise should 
be successful, it would be a national benefit, in which 
the colonies would have no share, in any measure, 
proportionate to the vast expense of treasure, and it 
might be, of the lives, which the acquisition might 
cost them ; and that if it should prove unsuccessful, 
it would give the country such a shock, that it would 
not, in half a century, recover its present state. 

On mature deliberation the arguments against the 
expedition preponderated, and the committee report- 
ed against the proposal. The houses accepted the re- 
port ; and, for some days the members laid aside all 
thoughts of the expedition. 

Though the heart of the governour was wholly in 
the affair, and he ardently wished that his proposal 



316 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, might have met the approbation of the general court, 
yet he judged it inexpedient any further to press the 
lr45 affair either by message, or by private influence with 
Mer- the members. He adopted a measure more prudent 
titionUie" anc ^ influential ; the forwarding of a petition, from 
general the merchants and men of influence, to the general 
court. court on the subject. This was signed by many of 
the merchants in Boston ; but more generally by 
those of Salem and Marblehead ; and prayed, that 
for reasons therein expressed, especially, for the 
preservation of the fishery from ruin, that the houses 
would reconsider their vote, and comply with the 
governour's proposal. This produced another com- 
mittee, who reported in favour of the expedition. A 
whole day was spent in debating the subject. A 
Vote pass- vote finally passed in favour of the expedition, but 
es m fa- i t was Dy a ma i or ity of one voice only. Never was 
expedi- an affair deliberated with more calmness and moder- 
tion - ation. There appeared no other division, than what 
resulted from a real difference in opinion, upon the 
true interest of the province and nation. 
Union and No sooner was the great point determined, than 
success m t h ere was an immediate union, of both parties, in the 

prepara- . ' ' ' 

tion. measures necessary to carry it most effectually into 
execution. An embargo was laid on every harbour 
in the province. Despatches were immediately for- 
warded to all the colonies as far as Philadelphia. 
But none, except the New England colonies, could 
be persuaded to engage in the enterprise. The 
Massachusetts raised three thousand two hundred 
and fifty men,, exclusive of commissioned officers. 
Connecticut raised five hundred and sixteen, and 
Rhode Island and New Hampshire three hundred men 
each. 

The time for preparation was short ; but from 
the day that the vote passed in favour of the enter. 
prise, every circumstance so remarkably contributed 
to its success, that a Divine Providence seemed eve- 
ry where to watch over it for sood. The winter was 
so element and favourable, that business could be 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 317 

done abroad, as well, and nearly with the same des- chap. 

patch, as at other seasons. Colonel Pepperel was ' 

appointed commander in chief. He was a gentleman of 1745 . 
a great landed interest, and largely employed in com- 
merce. The second in command was Roger Wol- 
cott, Esq. deputy governour of the colony of Con- 
llecticut. They were popular men, and the sacrifice 
of private ease and interest, which they made, in ac- 
cepting the appointments, with the esteem in which 
they were holden among the people, had great influ- 
ence on inferior officers and private soldiers, for a 
season, to sacrifice domestic ease and their private 
affairs to the more important service of their country. 
Many of the private soldiers were freeholders, and 
others the sons of wealthy farmers, who could have 
no other views in their enlistment than the public 
welfare. 

It soon appeared that it would be next to impos- 
sible to clothe and victual the men, and to procure 
warlike stores necessary for the expedition. Com- 
mittees of war were authorized, by warrant, to en- 
ter houses, cellars, and all places, wherever these ar- 
ticles were to be found, and to take them for the use 
of the army. During the preparation many vessels 
unexpectedly arrived, with more or less of all the ar- 
ticles of which the country were in want. Such was 
the general zeal and union, that the people submit- 
ted to any measures, which appeared necessary for 
the general good. The chief men in government 
appeared willing to run all risks, and to be at any 
expense, to accomplish the enterprise in view. 

All the shipping employed in the service was in- 
sured by government. None could be engaged but 
on this condition. The whole naval force which 
New England could furnish, consisted only of twelve 
ships and vessels. These were the Connecticut and 
Rhode Island sloops of war, a privateer ship of about 
two hundred tons, and a snow of less burden be- 
longing to Newport ; a new snow, captain Rouse, a 
ship, captain Snelling, a snow, captain Smethhurst, 



31g A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, a brig, captain Fletcher, three sloops, captains Saun- 
ders, Donahew, and Bosch, and a ship of twenty 
i7A5 guns, captain Tyng, who was commodore, and com- 
manded the whole. Several of these sailed as early 
as the middle of March, to cruise off the harbour of 
Louisburg. As a sufficient artillery could not be 
obtained in New England, governour Shirley, with 
much difficulty, on loan, procured ten eighteen pound- 
ers from New York. In two months the army was 
enlisted, clothed, victualled, and equipt for service. 

On the twenty third of March, an express boat, 
which had been sent to commodore Warren, in the 
West Indies, returned to Boston. She brought ad- 
vice from the commodore, that as the expedition was 
wholly a colonial affair, without orders from Eng- 
land, and as his squadron had been weakened, by the 
loss of the Weymouth, he must excuse himself 
from any concern in the enterprise. This must have 
struck a great damp upon the governour and general ; 
but they secreted the advice : and as the army was 
embarked, and the general on board, they sailed, the 
March 24. next morning, from Nantasket, as though nothing 
discouraging had happened. The governour doubt- 
less hoped that if the reduction of Louisburg should 
not be effected, Canso would be regained, Nova 
Scotia preserved, the French fishery destroyed, and 
the New England and Newfoundland fisheries res- 
tored, 
April 4. On the fourth of April the fleet and army arrived 
safe at Canso. The New Hampshire troops arrived 
four days before them. The troops from Connecti- 
cut, under governour Wolcott arrived on the twenty 
fifth. The land army now consisted of more than 
four thousand men in health and high spirits. 

Though the advice from commodore Warren was 
truly discouraging, yet, under the all governing hand 
of the Supreme Ruler, every thing was proceed- 
ing in the happiest train. 

Soon after the sailing of the express boat for Bos- 
ton, commodore Warren received orders from Eng- 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 319 

land, to repair, with such ships as could be spared, chap. 
to Boston, and to concert measures with governour IX - 
Shirley for his. majesty's general service in North 
America. The commodore sailed immediately for 
Boston, and despatched an express, ordering such 
ships as were in these seas to join him. The Eltham 
of forty guns was at Portsmouth in New Hampshire, 
as convoy to the mast fleet. When the express ar- 
rived, she had sailed with the fleet. She was soon 
overtaken by an express boat, when the captain, re- 
manding the fleet into port, sailed directly for Canso. 
On the twenty third of April he arrived to the great Commo- 
joy of the whole army. Commodore Warren, on dore War- 
his passage, meeting intelligence that the fleet had at Canso, 
sailed for Canso, proceeded directly to the same port ; A P ril 23. 
and arrived the same day in the Superb of sixty guns, 
with the Lauceston and Mermaid of forty guns each. 
High was the tide of joy, which, at once, arose 
through the whole fleet and camp. There was now 
a sufficient force for their defence : a force equal to 
any which was expected from France. After a short 
consultation with the general, the commodore, with 
the men of war, sailed to cruise before Louisburg. 

Before this time, the ships and vessels, sent to 
cruise before the harbour, had done important ser- 
vices. They had taken several vessels bound into 
Louisburg with provisions and West India goods. 
They had also engaged the Renommee, a French April 19. 
ship of thirty six guns, which had been sent with 
despatches from France. For some time she kept 
up a running fight with the small ships, as she could 
easily outrun them ; but, after making several at- 
tempts to enter the harbour, she put back to France, 
to report what she had discovered. She fell in with 
the Connecticut troops, under convoy of their own 
and the Rhode Island colony sloops. She had force 
sufficient to have taken them both ; but after ex- 
changing a few shot, and somewhat damaging the 
Rhode Island sloop, she made off to France. 



320 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. The fleet and army soon followed the men of war, 
and, on the thirtieth of April, arrived in Cha- 
1745. peaurouge bay. The enemy had not received the 
least intimation of any design against them, till, 
early in the morning, they discovered the transports 
from the town. The cruisers had indeed, almost 
every day, been seen before the harbour ; but they 
imagined them to have been privateers, in quest of 
their fishing and trading vessels. 

The sight of the transports gave the alarm to the 
French, and Bouladrie was detached with a hundred 
and fifty men to oppose the landing of the troops. 
But while the general amused the enemy by a feint 
at one place, he was landing them at another. Bou- 
ladrie with his detachment soon attacked them, but 
as a number of his men were killed on the spot, 
himself and others taken prisoners, the rest were 
obliged to make a precipitate flight, that they might 
not be instantly swallowed up by the provincials, 
who were landing in great numbers. 

The next morning, four hundred men marched 
round behind the hills to the northeast harbour, set- 
ting fire to all the houses and stores, till they came 
within a mile of the grand battery. Some of the 
stores had in them so much tar, and so many other 
combustibles, that such a cloud of smoke arose, as 
made it difficult to discover an enemy, only at the 
distance of a few rods. The French therefore, ex- 
pecting the whole army upon them, threw their pow- 
der into a well, and deserted the grand battery. Our 
troops took possession without any loss. The can- 
non, which were forty two pounders, were turned 
, upon the town ; and, for some time, a constant fire, 
upon it, was kept up from the grand battery. This 
greatly damaged the town ; but the expense of pow- 
der was so great, that it was judged advisable to stop 
the fire, and reserve the ammunition for the fascine 
batteries. 

The army had nearly two miles to drag their can- 
non, mortars, shot, and the like, through a morass, 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 321 

in which oxen and horses would bury themselves in 
mud, and could be of no service. This was to be 
performed by mere dint of labour. Men of the 1745 
firmest limbs, and who had been used to draw pine 
trees for masts, were appointed to this service. By 
the twentieth of May the troops had erected five fas- 
cine batteries. One of them mounted five forty two 
pounders. This did great execution. The New 
Englanders knew nothing of regular approaches, but 
took the advantage of the night and went on in their 
own natural way. 

While the troops were thus busy on shore, the 
fleet was equally vigilant and active, in cruising off 
the harbour. 

The Vigilant, a French sixty four gun ship, was 
met by the Mermaid, whom she immediately engag- 
ed ; but as she was of inferior force, captain Doug- 
lass, the commander, suffered himself to be chased 
till he drew the Frenchman under the command of 
the commodore and the other ships. On which she May 18. 
struck to the British flag. She was commanded by 
the Marquis de la Maison Forte, and had on board 
five hundred and sixty men, with stores of all kinds 
for the garrison. This capture was of great conse- 
quence, not only as it increased the naval force before 
the town, and afforded considerable supplies of mili- 
tary stores, but more especially, as it was a capital loss 
and disappointment to the enemy. It deprived them 
of all expectations of further supplies or succour, and 
tended to accelerate the capitulation. 

But a few days before this capture, a proposal had 
been made, that the men of war should anchor in 
Chapeaurouge bay, and that the marines, and as ma- 
ny of the sailors, as could be spared, should land 
and assist the army. Had this been done, the Vigi- 
lant would have got into the harbour, and defeated 
the expedition. Such were the prodigious^ labours 
and hardships of the siege, that a greater number of 
troops were wanted ; and yet, by the service, the 
numbers employed were daily diminishing. This 

.Vol. I. 41 



322' A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, however was in a measure compensated, by the eon 
tinual increase of the naval force before the town. 
1745 Four days after the capture of the Vigilant the Prince 
May 22. Mary of sixty and the Hector of forty guns arrived. 
J u " e J^» Soon after arrived the Canterbury and Sunderland of 
sixty and the Chester of fifty guns. There were now 
eleven men of war. One sixty four, four sixty, one 
fifty, and five forty gun ships'. Such was the naval 
force, that it was determined, that, on the eighteenth 
of June, the ships should go into the harbour, and 
with the army, make a joint attack upon the town. 
Before this, the island battery had been nearly si- 
lenced, and was considered as not long tenable. The 
west gate of the town was much damaged and near- 
ly beat down, and a breach is said to have been made 
in the adjoining wall. The circular battery of six- 
teen guns, and the principal one against ships, was 
nearly ruined. The northeast battery was much 
damaged, and the enemy driven from the guns. 
The west flank of the king's bastion was almost de- 
molished. From the preparations on board the men 
of war, the enemy expected a general and furious as- 
sault. This, it seems, they were unwilling to risk. 
Surrender On the fifteenth of June they desired a cessation 
of Louis- of hostilities, that they might enter on the consider- 
junl'ir. ation of articles of capitulation. On the seventeenth, 
after a siege of forty nine days, the city of Louis- 
burg and island of Cape Breton, were delivered up 
to his Britannic majesty. Neither the inhabitants nor 
garrison were to bear arms, for twelve months, 
against Great Britain, nor her allies. They were 
embarked on board fourteen cartel ships, and trans- 
ported to Rochfort. 

Nothing could have been more timely than this 
capitulation. Notwithstanding the capture of the 
Vigilant, laden with stores, the besiegers were in 
want of powder ; and such were the hardships and 
length of the siege, that greater numbers of men 
were found to be necessary. The general had sent 
off despatches for a recruit both of men and ammuni- 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 323 

tion. The Massachusetts sent oft' four and Connec- chap. 
ticut two hundred recruits, with all the powder, 
which they could purchase; but these, with the l7l - 
troops from Rhode Island, did not arrive till after the 
capture of the island. The very day after the sur- 
render, the rains began, and continued incessantly 
for ten days. These must have greatly impeded, if 
not broken up the siege. They must also have been 
fatal to many of the men, as they had no better 
lodgings than the wet ground, and, as their tents, 
generally made of common oznaburgs only, did not 
secure them against a single shower. But, by this 
opportune surrender, Providence housed them in the 
city, in dry and convenient barracks. 

During this long and severe siege, the men, on 
all occasions, at landing, in skirmishes with the 
French and Indians, and in their approaches to the 
city behaved well. In embarking in the enterprise 
they exhibited a noble spirit ; and in the prosecution 
of it, a steadiness, perseverance, and magnanimity, 
which before had no parallel in the affairs of Ameri- 
ca. So remarkable was the hand which watched 
over them, that the whole loss, during this uncom- 
monly long and dangerous siege, by sickness and 
the enemy, was no more than a hundred and one. 
Sixty of these were lost in an unfortunate attack on 
the island battery. 

The news of this important success arrived in 
Boston on the third of July, and flew instantly through 
the colonies. The joy which it diffused was great 
and universal. Those colonies, which had no share 
in the honours and dangers of the enterprise, were not 
insensible of the importance of the acquisition, nor 
that they were deeply interested in the event. Penn- 
sylvania, therefore, contributed four, New Jersey 
two, and New York three thousand pounds in money 
and provisions for the support of the troops. 

To France Louisburg was a place of capital im- 
portance. It had been fortified with prodigious art 
and expense. With propriety it might he termed 



324. A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, the American Gibraltar. The fosse, or ditch, round 
the town, was eighty feet wide, and the ramparts 
1745 . thirty high. On these, round the town, were mount- 
ed sixty five cannon of different sizes. The en- 
trance into the harbour was defended by the grand 
and island batteries. On the former were mounted 
thirty cannon carrying a forty two pound ball : and 
on the latter an equal number carrying a ball of 
twenty eight pounds. The garrison, at the time of 
the surrender, consisted of six hundred regular 
troops, and thirteen hundred militia. There were 
ten thirteen, and six nine inch mortars. There were 
provisions and ammunition for five or six months. 
Neither by the combined armies of Great Britain 
and her allies, nor by her formidable fleets, had France 
from the commencement of the war, received so 
deep and sensible a wound. No event had taken 
place, by which her schemes had been so entirely 
disconcerted and deranged. The acquisition was 
grand, and its consequences were vast and import- 
ant. 
Conse- The value of the prizes taken, in consequence of 

quencesof the expedition, was little, if any thing, short of a mil- 
ture°of lion sterling. The place was taken, at a time, when 
Louis- ships and vessels from all parts, were expected in 
bur £* the harbour. To decoy them, the French flag was 
kept flying. Beside the Vigilant, and the other 
prizes taken before, and during the siege, two East 
India ships, and another from the South Sea were 
taken, which together were estimated at six hundred 
thousand pounds sterling.* Besides, Nova Scotia 
and the English fisheries, in America, were preserv- 
- ed, and those of France were totally ruined. At the 
same time the colonies themselves and their trade 
were rendered much more secure. 

* July 24th an East India ship from Bengal was taken, estimated at 
75,000/. Another East Indiaman was soon after taken, valued at 
125,000/. The South Sea ship was decoyed by the Boston packet, 
captain Fletcher, under the guns of the men of war, and taken, August 
22d. She was estimated at 400,000/. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 325 

Indeed the colonies were delivered from immedi- chap. 
ate dangers, of which, at that time, they had no 
knowledge* Duvivier, the winter after the surprise 1745 . 
of Canso, went home to France, on the business of 
soliciting an armament for the reduction of Nova 
Scotia. On this application he was despatched with 
seven ships of war for that purpose. On his passage 
he took a prize, on board of which was lieutenant 
governour Clarke of New York. By him he receiv- 
ed intelligence of the reduction of Louisburg, and re- 
turned to France. In expectation of this fleet, Mon- 
sieur Marin, with nine hundred French and Indians, 
from Canada, appeared before the fort at Annapolis ; 
but, finding no shipping for his assistance, he soon 
retired.* Thus by this enterprise were the plans of 
France dashed, and the colonies secured. This en- 
abled Great Britain, afterwards, more honourably to 
treat of peace, and seems to have restored to her a 
great part of what she had lost in Germany. 

In this enterprise, first and last, New England em- 
ployed more than five thousand men. From the 
time of the surrender, till the twenty fourth of May 
following, about eleven months, the place was kept 
wholly by the New England troops. During part 
of this period, great sickness and mortality prevailed; 
and New England sustained a very considerable loss 
of men. After that time, the garrison consisted 
partly of regular troops, drawn from the garrison at 
Gibraltar and partly of New Englandmen ; both 
paid by the crown. Notwithstanding these import- 
ant services, the colonists had no share in the prizes 
nor in any thing taken on the island of Cape Breton, 
excepting a small sum allowed captain Fletcher, who 
led in the South Sea ship.f 

In consequence of the signal success attending this 
expedition, a shade was thrown over the imprudence 
and rashness, with which it seems to have been un- 

* Douglass, vol. i. p. 562. 
f Hutch, vol. ii. p. 4*6— 423. Douglass, vol. i. p, 342, Si"— 356, 
Rider's Hist. vol. xxxviii. p. 124, 126. 



326 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, dcrtaken. On both sides of the water pious people 
could not, but with grateful admiration notice the 
1?45 remarkable coincidence of circumstances, which 
contributed to this great event. Governour Shirley, 
in his speech to the general court, observes, that 
" scarce such an instance is to be found in history." 
The annual convention of the New England min- 
isters in their address to his majesty term it " the 
wonderful success, God has given your American 
forces." A clergyman, writing from London, hath 
this observation, " this prosperous event can hardly 
be ascribed to any thing short of an interposition 
from above, truly uncommon and extraordinary." 
Effects on Both to Great Britain and France, the reduction 
ofEn°k rt d °^ Louisburg, by New England, was an affair of no 
andFrance small surprise. In each of these courts it was pro- 
ductive of grand plans of operation. Great Britain 
flushed with victory, thought of nothing less, for the 
business of the next campaign, than the reduction 
of Canada, and the extirpation of the French from 
the northern continent. The French fired with re- 
sentment, by the losses which they had sustained, 
meditated the recovery of Louisburg, the conquest 
of Nova Scotia, the destruction of Boston, and the 
ravaging of the American coast from Nova Scotia to 
Georgia. 
l?46. It was the plan of the British court, that eight bat- 

talions of regular troops, in conjunction with the 
provincials to be raised in New England, should 
rendezvous at Louisburg ; and with a squadron, un- 
der admiral Warren, proceed up St. Lawrence to 
Quebec. From New York, and the southern colo- 
nies, as far as Virginia, another army was to be com- 
posed, which was to rendezvous at Albany. This, 
under the command of general St. Clair, was to 
cross the country to Montreal. No proportion was 
fixed for the several colonies, but they were left to 
show their zeal for the common cause, by raising 
such numbers as they pleased. It was expected, at 
least, that they would send five thousand men into 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 327 

the field. The foui- New England colonies granted five chap. 
thousand three hundred men. The other colonies 1X ' 
agreed to raise two thousand and nine hundred. 17 ^ 
Eight thousand and two hundred in the whole.* 
Notice of the plan was given to the colonies, the be- 
ginning of June, and in six weeks most of the New 
England troops were ready to embark. 

A powerful armament under the command of 
Richard Lestock, admiral of the blue, was prepared, 
at Portsmouth, with transports having six regiments 
on board, to co-operate with the provincials in car- 
rying the great plan into execution. The fleet had 
orders to sail the first opportunity ; but its depar- 
ture was unaccountably delayed, till it was judged 
that the season was too far advanced to risk the great 
ships on the boisterous coast of North America.f It 
is not improbable, that the landing of the young 
pretender, the rebellion in Scotland, and the appre- 
hensions of an invasion from France, were occasions 
of this delay. 

That this armament, which consisted of nearly 
thirty ships of war, might not be wholly useless to 
the nation, it was despatched against the coast of 
Brittany, with a view to surprise port L'Orient, the Sept. u. 
grand repository of all the stores and ships belonging 
to the French East India company. But nothing 
was effected worthy of notice. 

Meanwhile, France, notwithstanding all her other 
preparations, fitted out her fleet and troops for Amer- 
ica. The duke D'Anville, a nobleman, in whose 
courage and conduct, the French had reposed the 
greatest confidence, was appointed to command the 
expedition. The armament consisted of eleven ships Arma. 
of the line, and of thirty smaller ships and vessels, jj 16 "^""" 
from thirty to ten guns ; and of transports carrying duke d'- 
three thousand one hundred and thirty land forces. Anvilk - 

* The proportions were very unequal. New Hampshire raised 500, 
Massachusetts 3,500, Rhode Island 300, Connecticut 1,000, New 
York 1,600, New Jersey 500, Pennsylvania 4-00, but not by act of gov- 
ernment. Maryland raised 300 and Virginia 100. 

\ Rider's Hist. vol. xxxix. p. 50. 53. Douglass, vol. i- p. 302. 



328 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



IX. 

1746. 



chap. These, at Nova Scotia, were to form a junction with 
sixteen hundred Canadian French, and Indians. 
Monsieur Pomeret commanded the land forces. As 
early as the beginning of May, this formidable arma- 
ment was ready to sail ; but it was so detained by 
contrary winds, that the admiral could not leave the 
coasts of France, till the twenty second of June. 
Admiral Martin waited, with a fleet of observation, 
to prevent his sailing, but he got out of the harbour 
unnoticed, and proceeded without molestation. The 
duke D'Anville had detached Monsieur Conflans, 
with three ships of the line and a frigate, to convoy 
the trade to Cape Frangois in Hispaniola. Conflans 
was to join him at Chebucto, and in his passage, 
near Jamaica, fell in with the British fleet, command- 
ed by commodore Mitchel ; but the commodore 
conducted in such a dastardly manner, that he let 
the French pass without any considerable injury. 
He seemed to refuse taking them, when it was in his 
power.* It was now, therefore, left to Him only, 
who disappointeth the devices of the crafty, and 
taketh the prey from the mighty, without human aid, 
, to save the colonies from ruin. Let us with grateful 
admiration behold how seasonably and how power- 
fully he wrought for their salvation. 
Bisasters He not only laid an embargo on the enemy, and, 
attending f or more than six weeks, prevented their sailing, but 
caused their passage to be stormy and tedious. 
Like the chariot wheels of Pharaoh, they moved 
heavily. It was not till the third of August, that 
they passed the western islands. On the twenty 
fourth, when they were three hundred leagues from 
Nova Scotia, one of the great ships complained so 
much that they were obliged to burn her. In a vi- 
olent storm, which overtook them on the first of 
September, the Mars a sixty four gun ship, was so 
much damaged, in her masts, and became so leaky, 
that she bore away for the West Indies. The Al- 

• Rider's Hist- vol. xxxix, p. 53. Douglass, vol. i. p. 322. 



it. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 329 

vide, another sixty four, was so damaged, that she chap. 
M'as sent off to keep her company. Soon after the 
crew of the Ardent, a third sixty four, became so 17 - 46 . 
sickly, that she put back to Brest. 

It was not till the twelfth of September, that the Arrives at 
duke D'Anville arrived at Chebucto, in the North- ^12?' 
umberland, accompanied with one ship of the line, 
the Renommee, and three or four transports only. 
One ship only had arrived before him. This long 
and disastrous passage had totally deranged his 
whole plan. Confians, who came on the coast in 
August, hearing nothing of the duke, had before this 
time sailed for France. 

While the colonies were, with impatience, waiting 1746. 
the arrival of the British fleet under admiral Lestock, 
the squadron under Conflans was discovered, and the 
news of it brought to Boston, by several fishermen, 
who had made their escape from the ships at Chebuc- 
to ; but their report was not credited. But, the be- 
ginning of September the colonies had authentic 
news of the sailing of this formidable armament for 
America. Reports were soon after brought them, 
that a great fleet was discovered to the westward of 
Newfoundland ; but the colonies still flattered them- 
selves, that it was the English fleet, under admiral 
Lestock. On the twenty eighth, however, there ar- 
rived an express at Boston, with certain intelligence, 
that these ships were the French fleet. The report 
was, that it consisted of fourteen sail of the line, and 
twenty smaller men of war ; and, that the rest were 
fire ships, bomb tenders, and transports. It was said, 
that there were eight thousand regular troops on 
board.* 

England was not more alarmed with the Spanish Alarms 
armada, in fifteen hundred eighty eight, than Boston, New Engl- 
and New England were on the report of the arrival 
of D'Anville's fleet at Chebucto. The first advi- 
ces of imminent danger often shake the firmest 

* Hutch, vol. ii. p. 425. 

Vol. I. 42 



330 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, minds. Every practicable measure for the defence 
of the country was immediately adopted. In a few 
ir46 days six thousand and four hundred of the inland 
militia were brought in, to reinforce Boston. Six 
thousand more, from Connecticut, if occasion should 
require it, were on the first notice to have been des- 
patched to the assistance of their brethren at Bos- 
ton.* At that period, this was nearly half the mili- 
tia of the colony. The militia on the sea coasts were 
kept at home for their own defence. But as New 
England had no intelligence of what Providence had 
been effecting for the country, in the storms and dis- 
asters which had attended the French armament, the 
chief dependence, under the divine conduct, was on 
a fleet from England, sufficient, in conjunction with 
the squadron at Louisburg, to defeat the French ar- 
mament. But with respect to this, and all other hu- 
man aid, they were totally disappointed. 

That irresistible hand, which already had wrought 
so conspicuously for the relief of the country, com- 
Sept. 16. pleted its salvation. The duke D'Anville waited 
till the 16th of the month for the arrival of the re- 
mainder of his fleet, and not one ship of war, nor 
any of the fleet, except three transports, arriving, he 
The duke was so affected with disappointment and chagrin, 
SeJsept tnft t li brought on an apoplectic fit, or he drank poi- 
16. * son, and died suddenly the same morning. 

In the afternoon after his death the vice admiral, 
D'Estournelle, with four ships of the line, came into 
port. As the French troops had been long on board, 
before they sailed, and had a tedious passage, they 
arrived in an extremely sickly and miserable condi- 
tion. The admiral was dead, and Conflans returned 
to France. Of four capital ships, the Ardent, Ca- 
ribou, Mars, and Alcide, they had been deprived. 
The Argonaute fire ship was also missing. In these 
circumstances D'Estournelle, on the eighteenth, call- 
ed a council of his officers, and, as they had not half 

* Douglass, vol. i. p. 322, .323 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 33 1 

the force designed for the expedition, proposed to chap. 
return to France. Monsieur de la Jonquiere, govern- 
our of Canada, was on board the Northumberland, 1746> 
and next in command to the vice admiral ; he, Division 
with others of the council, for seven or eieht mt,,eenc - 
hours, strenuously opposed the vice admiral s pro- cil. 
posal. They insisted, that the sick men, with fresh 
air and provisions, would soon recover, and that they 
were able, at least, to reduce Annapolis and Nova 
Scotia : That after that they might winter safely in 
Casco bay, or return to France, as might best suit 
their inclinations. The debate issued in the rejec- 
tion of the admiral's proposition. This so extreme- 
ly agitated his spirits, that it brought on a fever 
and threw him into a delirium. A divine terror 
seemed to fall upon him. He imagined he was D'Estom-- 
among the English, ran himself through and was neiie kills 
no more.-* Jonquiere, a man of skill and cxperi- himself * 
ence in war, succeeded him, and the expectations 
of the fleet and army were much raised. From this 
time the reduction of Annapolis and Nova Scotia, 
became the object of the expedition. 

The troops were landed with a view to the recov- Mortality 
ery of their health, and the Acadians and Indians am- F™encL the 
ply furnished them with fresh provisions. Neverthe- and in- 
less dysenteries and a scorbutic, putrid fever occa- dians - 
sioned a very great mortality among them. The 
Nova Scotia Indians took the contagion, and by it 
lost not less than one third of their whole number. f 

Governour Shirley, supposing that he had receiv- 
ed authentic intelligence of the sailing of admiral 
Lestock for America, sent off an express to carry 
the intelligence to Louisburg. The packet was tak- 
en by the French, and carried into Chebucto, on the 
eleventh of October. This probably accelerated 
their sailing, and determined them to return directly 
to France, without making any attempt upon Ann m- 
olis. On the 13th of October, they sailed from 

* Hutch, vol. ii. p. 427, 423. -j- Doug-lass, vol. i. p. 322. 



332 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. Chebucto. Two days after sailing they were over- 
taken with a severe cold storm, which, without in- 
m5 termission, continued to increase for two days, so 
Oct 13, that the fleet was exceedingly scattered. Two only, 

safnbr nch a fi % a,ld a tnut y six g un shi P» § ot mto tne ba y of 

France. Fundi. The latter came into the bason, and put on 
shore an express certifying De Ramsay, that the 
French fleet were returning to France. These ships 
were discovered from the fort at Annapolis, and the 
Chester man of war, the Shirley frigate, and a small 
armed vessel, well manned with troops from the garri- 
son, went out in chase of them ; but they made their 
Succes- escape to France. Thus having buried two admirals 
sionofdis- a nd nearly half their army at Chebucto, they returned, 
asteis. w ithout effecting the least enterprise against the col- 
onies. The French burnt the Caribou, the Mars was 
taken,on her return, by the Nottingham, just as she ar- 
rived on the coast of France. The Alcide was driven 
on shore by the Exeter and burnt. This was the 
fate of the grand French armada, sent against New 
England. 

Such a succession of disasters as pursued the 
French, from the day they sailed from France, till 
they returned, is rarely to be found in the history of 
human events. The restraints put upon this mighty 
armament, and the protection of New England, was 
little less remarkable, than the defeat of the Assyrian 
monarch, and the defence of Jerusalem, when, after 
his vast preparations and haughty menaces, he was 
not suffered to go against her, nor to shoot an arrow 
there, Like him, the enemy returned with uncom- 
mon loss and shame, to their own land. 
The res- i"] ie m ini s try well knew of the sailing of this for- 

cue oi the . , , , J , 1 •• 

colonies to midable armament, yet seem to have eared very ht- 
be ascrib- tie what might be the consequence to the colonics. 
vine°inter- r ^ ne ou h T measure which they seem to have taken in 
position, consequence of its sailing, was an order to admiral 
Townshend to sail with his squadron, from the 
West Indies, to reinforce commodore Knowles at 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. S3^ 

Louisburg. * These combined squadrons were more chap. 
than a match for the French fleet, in their distressed 
circumstances ; but they made not the least attempt 174S 
for its destruction or annoyance. No admiral on 
the American station, this year, appears \o have act- 
ed with any tolerable spirit. Indeed there was no 
exertion of military skill or prowess, no employment 
of policy, nor the adoption of a single measure, in 
Europe or America, which appeared to have had the 
least influence in the preservation of the country. 
The whole glory of that remarkable salvation, which 
it experienced, appeared to be due to Him only, whose 
kingdom ruleth over all. Pious men saw this in a 
strong point of light, and in their most lively and 
public devotions ascribed the glory to Him. 

When it appeared that the expedition against Can- 
ada was likely to fail, governour Shirley's enterpris- 
ing genius influenced him to project an attempt, in 
conjunction with the other colonies, upon the French 
fortress at Crown Point. For this purpose four 
months provisions, fifteen hundred men, tents, ord- 
nance, and ammunition were forwarded to New 
York ; but the great sickness which prevailed in Al- 
bany, and the alarm which D'Anville's armament 
spread through the colonies frustrated the design. 

A considerable part of the troops, raised for the 
expedition against Canada, were kept in pay till 
September, seventeen hundred forty seven. Some 
were sent to reinforce the garrison at Annapolis, 
others were employed for the defence of the frontiers, 
but a considerable part were wholly inactive. 

De Ramsay, who had got together an army of De Rmv 
sixteen or seventeen hundred French and Indians at say de- 
Annapolis, receiving intelligence that the French fleet camps " 
were returned to France, decamped, and returned 
to Minas. His design was to canton his men here, 
and at Checonicto, that he might have them in read- 
iness to join the armament, which he expected from 

* Douglass, vol. i. p. 343, 344. 



334 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. France the next spring, for the reduction of An- 

^_ napolis. 

1746. Governour Mascarene of Annapolis having rep- 
resented that a thousand men, to reinforce that and 
the neighbouring posts, might be sufficient not only 
for their defence, but to drive the enemy from that 
quarter, the three colonies of Massachusetts, Rhode 
Island, and New Hampshire, voted the complete 
number. The Massachusetts sent on five hundred 
men. The three hundred from Rhode Island were 
shipwrecked on their passage, near Martha's Vine- 
yard ; and the troops from New Hampshire, after 
they were on their passage, put back, and never 
proceeded. These failures were the occasion of what 
afterwards befel the Massachusetts soldiers. 

They were cantoned in a loose manner at Minas. 
De Ramsay having advice of their situation, detached 
about six hundred men under M. Culon and M. La 
Troops at Corn, with a view to dispossess them of that post. The 
surprised, last of January, they surprised, killed, and captivated 
J*"- 31 » about a hundred and sixty of the men, who were 
scattered in small parties. Colonel Noble who com- 
manded the corps was among the slain. By this 
time the main body were collected, but as they had 
lost their commander, were inferior in numbers, and 
had little ammunition, they capitulated, engaging not 
to bear arms against the French, in Nova Scotia, 
during one year. They were to march off with six 
days provision, arms shouldered, drums beating, 
and colours flying. 
Prepara- Notwithstanding the uncommon misfortunes at- 
tfe 8 0t tending the duke D'Anville's fleet, the last year, the 
French. French determined to renew their attempts against 
the British settlements, both in North America and 
the East Indies. With this view two squadrons 
were equipped. That for North America was com- 
manded by De la Jonquiere, governour of Quebec : 
that destined for the East Indies, by M. de St. George. 
The fleets made a junction, and early in the spring sail- 
ed from Rochelle. The whole consisted of six ships 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 335 

•f the line, six frigates, and four East India ships fit- chap. 
ted like men of war ; with twenty nine merchant 
ships and transports. The ministry despatched the 2747. 
admirals, Anson and Warren, with thirteen ships of 
the line and several frigates in quest of the enemy. De la jon- 
On the third of May, they came up with the French quieve's 
squadrons ; when the English commenced a furious Maylj! 
engagement. De la Jonquiere maintained it with 
equal courage and conduct, till finally, overpowered 
with numbers, he was obliged to strike to the Brit- 
ish flag. Ten ships were taken, the six ships of the 
line, and the four East Indiamen. De la Jonquiere, 
four or five thousand men, some bullion, and large 
sums of money, were taken with the ships. * Thus 
did Providence again interpose for the preservation 
of the English colonies in America. 

De Ramsay, on advice of the defeat of De la Jon- 
quiere, returned to Canada, and the French gave no 
further trouble in Nova Scotia. 

During this war the Canada, Cape Sable, St. 
John's, Penobscot, and Norridgewock Indians were 
hostile, so that the frontiers did not escape alarms 
and molestation. They burnt the fort and a num- 
ber of dwelling houses at St. George's, and destroy- 
ed a great number of cattle. They in a man- 
ner destroyed Saratoga the last year, and had 
been so troublesome this, that the garrison abandon- 
ed the place, brought off the stores and ordnance, 
and burnt the fort. Damages were also done on 
Connecticut river, on the frontiers of the Massachu- 
setts and New Hampshire. But the frontiers suffer- 
ed very little in comparison with what they had done 
in former wars. The Indians were greatly dimin- 
ished in their numbers, and many were withdrawn 
to the frontiers of Canada. Sometimes they were 
kept at home for the defence of that country, and, 
at others, they were engaged to be in readiness to 
assist the French, in their great enterprises against 

* Rider's Hist, vol.xxxix. p. 92, 93. 



336 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, the English colonies. These prevented their doing 
IX ' mischief in small parties. 

1748 Towards the close of this year a general inactivity 

and languishrncnt appeared among the belligerent 

powers, indicating that they were nearly exhausted, 

and verging towards a general pacification. 

April so, Accoidingfy, the next April, preliminaries were 

1748. signed at Aix la Chapelle, and in a few days a cessa- 

Definitive tion of hostilities was proclaimed. The definitive 

treaty, treaty was completed on the seventh of October. 

Prisoners on all sides were to be released without a 

ransom, and all conquests to be restored. 

Thus after nearly ten years war, in which there 
had been a vast expense of blood and treasure, the 
parties had gained nothing. On cool reflection, it 
could hardly be told for what reasons a war had been 
undertaken, which had so embroiled, exhausted, and 
depopulated so considerable a part of Europe. In 
this manner do princes play off the peace, treasures, 
and lives of their subjects. 
Expense The expenses of the northern colonies, including 
of the war. New England and New York, during this w T ar, can- 
not be estimated at less than about a million sterling. 
The bills issued by the Massachusetts for between 
two and three years of the war, amounted to between 
two and three millions currency. At the time of 
emission, five or six hundred pounds were equal to 
one hundred sterling. Governour Hutchinson sup- 
poses, that the real consideration, which the govern- 
ment received from the people, was nearly four hun- 
dred thousand pounds sterling.* He gives it as his 
opinion, that, for the term of between two and three 
years of the war, the province of the Massachusetts 
paid two hundred thousand pounds sterling, besides 
the annual taxes, which were as high as the people 
could bear. By the account which Douglass gives, 
the expense of that province, in the expedition against 
Cape Breton, was not less than four hundred thou 

* Hutch. Hist. vol. ii. P. 435. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 337 

sand pounds sterling. That province therefore, chap. 
during the war, must have been at the expense of 
more than half a million sterling. The other three lr48 
New England colonies, with New York, probably 
expended nearly an equal sum. The expenses of 
South Carolina were very great, as has been noticed 
in a preceding chapter. All the colonies suffered 
in their trade and husbandry. 

In the close of the war especially, they sustained Lossofthe 
very great losses in their shipping and commerce, colonies. 
The ships which had been stationed on the coast 
for the protection of the trade, were called off to 
form a squadron under admiral Knowles, for the re- 
duction of St. Jago, the capital of Cuba. While the 
coasts were left bare, the French privateers seized 
their oppori unity, and carried off from the colonies 
many of their vessels without the least molestation. 
They became so bold as to sail up Delaware river 
almost to Philadelphia. They ventured up many 
leagues into Chesapeak bay, and sailed up Cape Fear 
river in North Carolina.* 

In the expeditions against Cuba and Louisburg, 
in garrisoning the latter, and in the defence of Nova 
Scotia, New England lost three or four thousand of 
her young men. Such were the losses of the two 
colonies of the Massachusetts and New Hampshire, 
in this and the last Indian war, that from seventeen 
hundred twenty two, to seventeen hundred forty 
nine, a term of twenty seven years, there had been 
no increase of their numbers. This was a term in 
which, otherwise, they would have more than doubled 
the number of their inhabitants. At the time, when 
governour Hutchinson wrote his history,! he ob- 
served, " It is probable that there would have been 
two hundred thousand souls more than there are at 
this time, in New England, if the French had been 
expelled from Canada an hundred years ago." The 
wars with the French and Indians of Canada, first 

* Douglass, vol. i. p. 343, 344, and 564. t ^76i. 

Vol. I. 43 



338 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, and last, swept off great numbers of the inhabitants 
of New York, as well as of New England. The 
1748. employment of so many men in the late war, and for 
so many years, with the loss sustained, was a great 
check to population, exceedingly retarded the exten- 
sion of settlement and the cultivation of the country. 

In this war the colonies had exhibited the most 
striking evidences' of their loyalty and zeal, in his 
majesty's service. But neither from these, nor from 
all their losses and expenditures, did they derive any 
considerable advantage to themselves. Though it 
be true, that the crown, in some good part, repaid 
the bare expense of the expedition to Louisburg, 
< yet this did by no means compensate the coun- 

tr)\ She had nothing to compensate her loss 
of men, or the damages sustained by the depre- 
ciation of the currency, nor her numerous other 
losses and services. Great Britain engrossed all the 
advantages of the reduction of Louisburg. It was 
finally given up, to recover what had been lost in 
Germany, and to purchase peace for the nation. 
The prodigious quantities of clothing, arms, and 
ammunition purchased by the colonies, for their sol- 
diery, while it greatly impoverished them, increased 
the trade of Great Britain, and was no inconsiderable 
emolument to the parent state. 

The colonies were obliged, during the war, to 
emit such sums in bills of credit, that they were 
scarcely able to redeem them before the commence- 
ment of the next French war. Before the complete 
redemption of the bills, in those colonies where 
their credit was the best supported, the depreciation 
was nearly twenty for one. This was a great injury 
to commerce, public credit, and the morals of the 
people, for years after the termination of the war. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. • 339 



CHAPTER X. 

French war, %7,S5. Reasons of the war. Colonel Washington's ex- 
pedition. Convention at Albany. Expedition against Nova Scotia, 
Fort du Qiiesne, Crown Point, and Niagara. Success in Nova Sco- 
tia. General Braddoek defeated by the French and Indians. Baron 
Dieskan defeated and taken by general Johnson. Unhappy divis- 
ion of the southern colonies. Colonel Bradstreet defeats a party of 
the enemy. Oswego taken. In activity of Lord Loudon. Conduct 
of the southern colonies. Comparison between the campaigns of 
IF 55 and 1756. 

D'JRING the term of about seven years after the chap. 
treaty of Aix la Chapelle the colonies enjoyed general x - 
tranquillity. They vigorously addressed themselves 
to the arts of peace. By industry, economy, popula- 
tion, the extension of their settlements, and the in- 
crease of commerce, they were making strenuous 
exertions to recover themselves from the losses 
and impoverishment, which they had sustained by 
the preceding war. As the great number of bills of 
credit, which had been thrown into circulation, had 
injured trade, wounded the public credit, and had an 
ill effect on the morals of the country, particular at- 
tention was paid to the restoration of public credit 
and the remedying of these evils. These were mat- 
ters of capital importance to the general prosperity. 
While the colonies were prosecuting these great 
objects, the French were making encroachments 
on their eastern, northern, and western frontiers : 
They were also attempting, in such a manner, to Fvencu 
compass the colonists with a line of posts and fortifi- encroach- 
cations, as, that, in case of war, their frontiers would ments - 
be exposed to the continual alarms and devastation 
of the French and their Indians. Though the whole 
country of Acadia or Nova Scotia, had been expressly 
ceded to Great Britain, by the twelfth article of 
the treaty of Utrecht, and that cession had been 
confirmed by all subsequent, treaties ; yet the French 



340 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, claimed a considerable part of that country ; and in 

__ several places, were erecting fortifications. At the 

ir49 northward, they had encroached on the English, by 
the settlement and fortifications at Crown Point. At 
the westward, they were not only attempting to com- 
plete a line of forts, from the head of S>. Lawrence 
to Missisippi, but were encroaching far on Vir- 
ginia. 
Reasonsof While under the auspices of peace, agriculture 
the war. anc | maritime commerce flourished on her coasts, 
the Indian trade drew many of her wandering traders 
far into the inland country, beyond the great moun- 
tains. Here they found themselves in a delightful 
climate, exuberantly fruitful, and watered with many 
fair and navigable rivers. It was apprehended, that 
these advantages, in conjunction with the Indian 
trade, would amply compensate its distance from the 
sea. A number of noblemen, merchants, and plant- 
ers of Westminster, London, and Virginia, called 
the Ohio company, obtained a charter grant, of 
six hundred thousand acres, on and near the Ohio 
river. In pursuance of the terms of their patent, the 
1751. lands were surveyed, about two years after the grant, 
and settlements were soon made. 

The governour of Canada, had early intelligence 
of the transactions of the company, and was alarmed 
with apprehensions, that they were prosecuting a plan, 
which would effectually deprive the French of the 
advantages, which they derived from their trade with 
the T wight wees ; and what was still worse, would 
cut off the communication between the colonies of 
Canada and Louisiana. The French claimed all the 
country from the Missisippi, as far in upon Virginia, 
as the Alleghany mountains. This claim was found- 
ed on the pretence, that they were the first discover- 
ers of that river. To secure their claims and pre- 
serve the communication between their two colonies' 
of Canada and Louisiana, they had not only erected 
a fort on the south side of lake Erie, but one 
about fifteen miles south of that, on a branch of the 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 341 

Ohio, and another at the conflux of the Ohio and the chap. 

Wabache. Nothing could be more directly calcu- ' 

lated to dash a favourite plan of France, than the set- 
tlement of the Ohio. 

The governour of Canada therefore wrote to the 
governours of New York and Pennsylvania, represent- 
ing that the English traders had encroached on the 
French, by trading with their Indians, and threatening 
that if they would not desist, that he would seize 
them wherever they should be found. 

The Indian trade had been managed principally by 
the Pennsylvanians ; but the Ohio company were now 
about to divert it to a different channel. By opening 
a road through the country, and erecting a trading 
house at Will's creek, they were, by the Patomac, 
conducting it directly to Virginia. The Pennsyl- 
vanians, influenced by a spirit of selfishness and re- 
venge, gave early intelligence, both to the French 
and Indians, of the designs and transactions of the 
company. The French governour, therefore, put 
his menaces into execution. A party of French 
and Indians seized the British traders, among the 
Twightwees, and carried them to their fort on the 1753. 
south side of lake Erie. The Twightwees, resenting 
the injury done to the British traders, their allies, 
made reprisals on the French, and sent several of 
their traders to Pennsylvania. The French however 
persisted in their claims and continued to strengthen 
their fortifications. 

The Indians at the same time, jealous that settle- 
ments were about to be made on their lands, without 
purchase or consent from them, threatened the set- 
tlers. These claims and encroachments of the 
French, and threats of the Indians, struck at the very 
existence of the Ohio company. Complaints were 
therefore made to lieutenant governour Dinwiddie, 
of Virginia, ?.nd the province began to interest 
themselves warmly in the affair. The Indians were, 
in some measure, pacified, by a pretended message 
delivered them from the king. Major Washington 



342 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. W as despatched to Mr. St. Pierre, the French com- 
mandant on the Ohio, to demand the reasons of .his 
3r54 hostile conduct, and, at the same time, to insist on 
the withdrawment of his troops. A party of Virgin- 
ians were also sent forward to erect a fort at the con- 
flux of the Ohio and Monongahela. 

The French commander denied the charge of hos- 
tility, and was so far from withdrawing his forces, 
that he made an absolute claim of the country, as the 
property of the French king, and declared that, 
agreeably to his instructions, he would seize and 
send prisoner to Canada, every Englishman, who 
should attempt to trade on the Ohio or any of its 
branches. 

Before the Virginians had finished their designed 
fortifications on the Ohio, the French came upon 
them, and, driving them out of the country, erected 
a regular fort on the very ground where they had 
begun their fortifications. This fortress, which was 
called du Quesne, very much commanded the en- 
trance of the whole country on the Ohio and Missi- 
sippi * This gave a general alarm not only to the 
colonies, but to Great Britain. 

It was easily foreseen, that if the French should 
unite Canada with their settlements at the mouth of 
the Missisippi, by a possession of that vast country, 
which lies between them, that the colonies would not 
only sustain the loss of a great part of their country, 
and all share in the Indian trade ; but; that in time 
of war, their frontiers would be exposed to continual 
alarm and danger. They must also be subjected 
to the ruinously expensive and impracticable de- 
fence of a frontier more than a thousand miles in 
length. On the contrary if the designs of France on 
Nova Scotia and the Ohio, could be defeated, it 

* In these ravages the French destroyed all the English traders but 
two, and plundered them of skins and other commodities to the 
amount of twenty thousand pounds. They finally came on from Ve- 
nango, with a thousand men, and eighteen pieces of cannon, in three 
hundred canoes, drove off the Virginians and built fort du Quesne^ 
Rider's Hist. vol. xl. p. 71. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 543 

would entirely disunite their colonies : and, as the chap. 
entrance into the one, is in the winter season shut up x * 
by frost, and as that into the other is always difficult, by 
reason of the banks, at the mouth of the Missisippi, 
they would consequently become of little value to 
France. It was also foreseen that the fortune of 
these colonies would immediately affect their settle- 
ments in the West Indies. As these points were 
fully comprehended by both nations, they were 
equally determined to maintain their respective 
claims. 

No sooner therefore were the British ministry ac- 
quainted with the claims and conduct of the French, 
than they instructed the Virginians, by force of arms 
to resist their encroachments. Orders were given 
that several independent companies in America should 
assist the Virginians. Major Washington was ad- 
vanced to the rank of a colonel, and appointed to Colonel 
command the troops destined to remove the French washing- 
encroachments on the Ohio. On the first notice t0 "'. s ex - 
captain james Mackay marched with his independent 
company from South Carolina, to the assistance of 
the Virginians. Two other companies were ordered 
from New York on the same service. Colonel Wash- 
ington, without waiting for the companies from New 
York, determined to advance with the Virginians and 
Mackay's company, consisting of about four hundred 
men. In May the colonel fell in with a party from May 28. 
fort du Quesne, under the command of one Jamon- defeats ja- 
ville, whom he totally defeated. De Villier, who 
commanded at fort du Quesne, incensed at this de- 
feat, marched down upon him, with nine hundred 
men besides Indians. The colonel had thrown up 
some imperfect works, which were with propriety 
termed fort Necessity ; hoping to defend himself in 
his post, till he should be reinforced, by the compa- 
nies expected from New York. Within these works, 
he made so brave and obstinate a defence, that De 
Villier finding he had desperate men to combat, of- 



344 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, fered him an honourable capitulation. This he ac- 

cepted, and retreated with his party to Virginia. 

1754 Instructions had been sent early the same year ? 

July 3. from the lords of trade and plantations, recommend- 
ing a meeting of commissioners, from the several 
colonies, to concert a plan of union and defence 
against the common enemy ; and, in his majesty's 
name, to effect a league of friendship between the 
colonies and the Indian nations bordering on them. 
The colonies generally manifested a cheerful com- 
pliance with the recommendation. But, as in former 
wars, some colonies had done much, and others scarce- 
ly any thing, to the great injury of the common cause, 
it was now earnestly wished that each colony might 
be obliged to do its equal proportion. It was also 
desired, that, as the Five Nations of Indians had 
been under the direction of particular governours 
and states, and had been too often influenced to 
measures subservient to the interests of individual 
persons, or of particular colonies, rather than to such 
as were beneficial to the general interest, the man- 
agement of their affairs might be under some general 
direction ; which should contribute to the safety 
April 10, an( j welfare of the colonies collectively. The gen- 
eral court of the Massachusetts presented their de- 
sires to governour Shirley, that he would " Pray his 
majesty, that affairs which related to the Six Nations 
and their allies, may be put under some general di- 
rection, as his majesty shall think proper : That the 
several governments may be obliged to bear their 
proportions of defending his majesty's territories 
against the encroachments of the French, and the 
ravages and incursions of the Indians." 
y ul In the summer there was a general convention of 

General governours and principal men of the several colonies 
conven- at Albany. It was the unanimous opinion of the 

t.ion at Al- .- . _ l 

bany. convention, that an union oi all the colonies was 
absolutely necessary, for the common defence. The 
plan which the convention proposed was, " That a 
grand council should be formed of members chosen 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 345 

by the assemblies, and sent from all the colonies, chap. 
which council, with a governour general, to be ap- 
pointed by the crown, should be empowered to make 1754 
general laws, to raise money in all the colonies for Plan of the 
the defence of the whole."* Could such an estab- j^ 6 "" 
lishment be once effected, the colonies imagined 
themselves competent to their own defence against 
the combined force of the French and their Indians. 
Several of the colonies, in former wars, had defended 
themselves against them, unassisted either by Great 
Britain or their sister colonies. Their united force 
therefore, they judged, would cerfainly be sufficient. 
But this plan did not meet the approbation of the Rejected 
ministry. They were too cautious to trust such hv . ^ 

•'.,1a • ministry. 

powers with the Americans. 

They had formed a very different plan. It was Ministeri- 
that the governours of the colonies, with one or more alplan. 
of their council, should form a convention, to concert 
measures for die general defence, erect such fortifi- 
cations, and raise such numbers of men, as they 
should think proper, with power to draw on the Brit- 
ish treasury for such sums as they judged necessary, 
and that the colonies should reimburse the treasury, 
by taxes imposed on them by acts of parliament. A 
subtle and base contrivance, to provide for favour- 
ites, sap the liberties, and engross the wealth of the 
colonies, and at once to fix them down in perpetual 
poverty and slavery. The colonies too well knew 
the imprudence and rapacity of king's governours, 
their embezzlement of public monies, their igno- 
rance of the true interests of the colonies, their want 
of affection for the people ; and how many of them 
came into America to make their fortunes, tamely to 
commit their liberty, property, and safety, to their 
management. They were at an equal remove from Disap- 
resigning their property to the disposal of a British proved by 
parliament. In the colonies it received not the least nie3 
countenance, but met the universal disapprobation. 

* The gentlemen from Connecticut dissented from this plan as dan- 
gerous t-> the liberties of the colonies. 

Vol. I. 44 



346 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. On the reception of the news of colonel Washing- 
ton's defeat, the British court remonstrated against 



1754. tne conduct of the French : but receiving nothing 
but evasive answers and professions of peace from 
the court of France, gave orders for a vigorous 
preparation for war. The colonies were directed to 
arm, and act with united exertions against the ene- 
my. Four expeditions were planned. One against 
the French on die Ohio, under the command of gen- 
Generai era j Braddock, a second against Nova Scotia, a third 

Britddock . ^ t-> • . r 1 • xt» 

embarks against Crown roint, ami a fourth against .Niagara, 
for A-mer- About the middle of January, general Braddock era- 
1755 barked at Cork, with fifteen hundred regulars for 

Virginia. After a passage of about six weeks he 

arrived at the place of destination. 

The French, while they spoke nothing but peace, 

made vigorous preparations for the support of their 
French ar- c l a ims in America. Early in the spring they had a 

hi * unci t 

powerful armament ready to sail for Canada. It 
consisted of twenty ships of the line, exclusive of 
frigates and transports. On board were great quan- 
tities of military stores, and four thousand regular 
troops, under the command of baron Dieskau. 
Admhai Admirals Boscawen and Holborn, with seventeen 
saiis for 6 " sn *P s °f lne nne an d seven frigates, with six thou- 
New- sand land forces, were despatched to watch the mo- 
foundland. ti ons f the enemy.* Admiral Boscawen sailed di- 
rectly for Newfoundland. Soon after his arrival the 
French fleet, under the command of M. Bors de la 
Mothe, came also to the same station. But the thick 
fogs which prevail on the coasts, especially at that 
season of the year, prevented the fleets from dis- 
covering each other. One part of the French fleet 
escaped up the river St. Lawrence, while anoth- 
er part went round and got into the river by the 
French straits of Belleisle. But while the English squad- 
c!de\nd" ron * a y °^' Cape Rice, the southernmost point of 
Lys* taken. Newfoundland, two French ships, the Alcide of sixty 

* Rider's Hist. vol. xl. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 347 

four guns and four hundred and eighty men, and the chap. 
Lys, pierced for sixty four, but mounting twenty two _____ 
guns only, having on board eight companies of land lrJ5 
forces, fell in with the Dunkirk, captain Howe, and 
the Defiance, captain Andrews ; and, after a sharp en- 
gagement, which lasted several hours, were taken. 
On board were found a considerable number of offi- 
cers, engineers, and about eight thousand pounds in 
money. The other French ships and troops arrived 
safe in Canada, and were the principal means of the 
misfortunes which, for sometime after, attended the 
English colonies. 

In the spring the colonies, especially the northern, 
were all activity and exertion, in making preparations 
for the several expeditions which were to be carried 
into execution. Acts were passed prohibiting all 
commerce with the French colonies. The Massa- 
chusetts very early detached a considerable body 
of troops to Nova Scotia. The expedition in this 
quarter was under the command of colonel Monck- 
ton. 

About the latter end of May, he proceeded up the Monck- 
bay of Fundy, with a large body of troops, covered ton'sexpe- 
by three frigates and a sloop, under the command of J a instNo- 
captain Rouse, to dislodge the enemy from that quar- va Scotia. 
ter. On his arrival at Malagash, he found the pas- 
sage up the river, defended by a large number of 
French troops, Acadians, and Indians. Four hun- 
dred were placed in a log house with cannon mount- 
ed. The rest of the troops were defended by a strong 
breast- work of timbers thrown up as an out- work to 
the block house. The English attacked them with 
such impetuosity that in about an hour they aban- 
doned their works, and the passage up the river was 
opened. The army advanced, and on the twelfth of 
June, invested the French fort of Beau-Sejour. The Beau-Se- 
fort was taken after a bombardment of four days, Sbur taken 
The French had twenty six pieces of cannon mount- 
ed and ample supplies of ammunition. The garris- 



348 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 

X. 

1755. 



Acadians 
disarmed, 



Johnson 
and Ly- 
man com- 
mand the 
expedi- 
tion a- 
g'ainst 
Crown 
Pojnt. 



on were sent to Louisburg on condition of not bear- 
ing arms in America for the term of six months. 

No sooner was the fort provided with a proper 
garrison, than colonel Monckton marched still further 
into the country, and reduced the other French fort 
on the river Gaspereau, which runs into bay Verte. 
This was the principal magazine for supplying the 
French Indians and Acadians with arms, ammuni- 
tion, and all other necessaries for war. Here there- 
fore large quantities of provisions and stores of all 
kinds fell into the hands of the conquerors. The colo- 
nel then proceeded to disarm the Acadians to the 
number of fifteen thousand men.* Great numbers 
of them were afterwards brought off into the New 
England colonies. 

Meanwhile captain Rouse, and the ships under his 
command, sailed to St. John's river to dislodge the 
enemy from that post. At the mouth of the river 
they were erecting a new fort. On his approach they 
burst their cannon, blew up their magazine, and, as far 
as time would permit, destroyed their works, and then 
abandoned the post to the English. Thus, by this 
successful expedition, the English possessed them- 
selves of the whole country of Nova Scotia, and its 
tranquillity was restored and put on a firm establish- 
ment. 

The two expeditions against Crown Point and Ni- 
agara were forwarded with great exertion and des- 
patch by the colonies of New England and New 
York. The troops, for each of these enterprises, 
were ordered to rendezvous at Albany. Most of 
them arrived before the end of June. The command 
of the expedition to Crown Point was given to gen- 
erals Johnson and Lyman. The troops under their 
command, raised by New England and New York, 
amounted to between five and six thousand men. 
Besides, they were joined by Hendric, sachem of the 
Mohawks, with a considerable body of Indians. Ma- 



Rider's Hist. vol. xl.p. 100, 102. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 34$ 

jor general Lyman soon marched with the main body chap. 
of the army along Hudson's river as far as the carry- 
ing place, about fourteen miles from the south end 175 ~ 
of lake George. General Johnson tarried at Albany 
to forward the artillery, battoes, and other necessa- 
ries for the enterprise. At the carrying place, where 
the artillery, provisions, stores, and battoes were to 
be landed, it was judged necessary to build a fort 
and cast up entrenchments for their security. The 
accomplishing of these works, carrying on the can- 
non, provisions, stores, and battoes employed the ar- 
my five or six weeks before they could be in readi- 
ness to advance to the lake. 

While the New Englanders were humbling the 
French in Nova Scotia, and advancing towards 
Crown Point, the Virginians and general Braddock Expedi- 
had been slowly making preparations for the expedi- tlon °£j* er 
tion against the French on the Ohio. Though this Braddock. 
with the ministry, was the favourite expedition, and 
though the general arrived soon enough to have be- 
gun his operations early in the spring, yet it was the 
tenth of June before he began his inarch from fort 
Cumberland, which the Virginians had built at Will's 
Creek. This is said to have been owing to the di- 
latoriness of the Virginians, whom he had em- 
ployed as contractors for his army. They were al- 
most three months in procuring provisions, horses, 
and a number of waggons sufficient for the con- 
veyance of his baggage. Some waggons were ob- 
tained from Pennsylvania, yet, after all, but about 
half the number for which he had contracted, were 
procured for his service. He began his march 
with about two thousand and two hundred men. 
When he arrived at the great meadows, he receiv- 
ed intelligence that the French, at fort du Quesne, 
were in expectation of a reinforcement of five 
hundred men. This induced him to quicken his 
march. That he might proceed with greater expe- 
dition, he left colonel Dunbar, with eight hundred 
men, to bring up the provision and heavy baggage, 



350 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 

X. 

1T5S. 

Precau- 
tions giv- 
en him. 



Braddock 
defeated, 
July 9. 



while he pressed forward with the rest of the army, 
and with such provisions and necessaries as might 
barely serve him, till colonel Dunbar should bring 
up the rear. , 

Before his departure from England, much pains 
had been taken to make him cautious and prepare 
him for his command. Colonel Napier furnished 
him with an excellent set of military instructions, 
which he had received from the duke of Cumber- 
land. Indeed his royal highness, in person, fre- 
quently premonished him to be particularly watchful 
against an ambush or surprise. When he was on his 
march colonel Washington intreated him, with earn- 
estness, to suffer him to precede the army, and scour 
the woods with his rangers. But the general treated 
this generous and necessary proposal with contempt, 
and rashly pressed on, through thickets and danger- 
ous defiles, without reconnoitring the woods, or ob- 
taining any proper knowledge of the country through 
which he was to pass. By the eighth of July, he had 
advanced nearly sixty miles forward of colonel Dun- 
bar, and within twelve or fourteen miles of fort du 
Quesne. In this situation his officers, especially Sir 
Peter Halket, earnestly besought him to proceed with 
circumspection, and to employ the friendly Indians, 
in his army, as an advanced guard, against ambus- 
cades and surprise. But he was too haughty and 
self-sufficient to derive any benefit, even from the ex- 
perience or wisdom of the greatest characters. The 
next day, without any knowledge of the situation of 
the enemy, or without any of the precautions, to 
which he had been so repeatedly advised, he pressed 
on, till about twelve o'clock ; when he was, all on a 
sudden, saluted with a heavy and deadly fire in front 
and on the whole of his left flank. The enemy art- 
fully concealed themselves, and kept their fire, till 
the whole army had time to enter the defile. Though 
the yell and fire were tremendous, yet there was 
scarcely an enemy to be seen. The suddenness of 
the attack, the horrible scream of the Indians, and 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 351 

the slaughter made by the enemy's first fire, threw chap. 
the advanced guard into the utmost panic, so that 
rushing back on the main body they threw the whole 1755. 
of the regular troops into irretrievable confusion. 
The general at once exhibited the greatest intrepidi- 
ty and imprudence. Instead of retreating from the 
defile and scouring the thickets with his cannon, or 
ordering the Virginians to drive the enemy from his 
flanks, he remained on the spot, giving orders for the 
few gallant officers and men, who remained with him, 
to form regularly, and advance to the attack of their 
invisible enemy. But as the enemy kept up an in- 
cessant and deadly fire his officers and men fell thick 
about him, and five horses were killed under him. 
The obstinacy of the general seemed to increase 
with the danger, till at last he received a musket 
ball through his right arm and lungs. As he fell the 
few who remained fled in the utmost confusion. 
The general was carried from the field, by the brav- 
ery of lieutenant colonel Gage and another of his 
faithful officers. 

The artillery, ammunition, baggage, and the gener- 
al's cabinet, with all his letters and instructions fell 
a prey to the enemy. Of the latter, the French court 
availed themselves, in their public memorials and 
declarations. The general died of his wounds 
four days after the defeat. Thus the loss of his own 
life and the ruin of a fine army, were but the natural 
consequences of his unparalleled self-sufficiency, im- 
prudence, and obstinacy. The enemy consisted only 
of about four or five hundred men, chiefly Indians, 
and were not a match even for the Virginians, could 
they have been allowed to fight in their own way. 

One of the most remarkable circumstances of this Remarka- 
unfortunate exnedition, remains yet to be told. The ¥ e f°',!\ 

.« ; .. ... . * , 1,, J , . duct ot the 

Virginia iralitia, who had been so despised by the virgmi- 
general; and disdainfully kept in the rear, though ans - 
equally exposed with the regular troops, amidst all 
tins confusion, stood firm and unbroken. They 
alone advanced against the enemy ; and, under col- 



352 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, onel Washington, covering the retreat, seem to have 
preserved the regulars from a total destruction, 
1?55 The loss of officers and men was very great. Sir 

Loss of Peter Halket was killed, at the head of his regiment, 
men. j^y tne fi rst £ re . anc [ tne general's secretary, son of 

governour Shirley, soon after fell. The loss of offi- 
cers much exceeded the common proportion. The 
loss of men was not less than seven or eight hundred.* 
The flight of the army was so precipitate that it 
never stopped till it met the rear division. This, on 
their junction, was instantly seized with the same 
general panic, which affected those who had been in 
the action ; and though no enemy had been seen 
Extraordi- during the engagement, nor afterwards, yet the army 
andve- aruC continued retreating, without making any stand or 
treat. considerable halt, till it reached fort Cumberland. 
This was little less than a hundred and twenty 
miles from the place of action. Had the troops, 
even here, so recovered their spirits as to have made 
a stand, they might, in some measure, have guarded 
the frontiers, and prevented those devastations, inhu- 
man murders and barbarities, which the French and 
Indians, during the rest of the summer, perpetrated 
on the western borders of Virginia and Pennsylvania. 
But instead of adopting this prudent and salutary 
measure, colonel Dunbar, who succeeded in com- 
mand, leaving the sick and wounded at this post, 
under the care of the Virginians, marched off with 
fourteen hundred men to Philadelphia.! 
August- Towards the last of August the army under general 
em army Johnson having got on their artillery, battoes, and pro- 
advances visions to the carrying place, at fort Edward, advanc- 
' ed fourteen miles to the south end of lake George. 
Here preparations were making with all possible des- 
patch for crossing the lake, as soon as the battoes 
and cannon could be brought on. In the mean time 
the army was encamped on a rising ground, covered 
on the flanks by a thick wood and swamp, by the lake 

« Rider says he lost half his army, vol. xl. p. 1 10. f Rider, vol. xl. p. 111. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 353 

in the rear, and having a breast-work of trees in the chap. 

front. While the army lay in this situation, the In- 

dian scouts, which, every day, the general sent out 1755 
to make discoveries, brought him intelligence of a 
large body of the enemy ad va icing, from Ticon- 
deroga, by the south bay, towards fort Edward. 
Here was a garrison of about five hundred of the 
New York and New Hampshire troops, under the 
command of colonel Blanchard. Immediately on the 
reception of this intelligence, the general, compre- 
hending the design of the enemy, to destroy the pro- 
visions and stores at fort Edward and cut off the re- 
treat of the army, sent expresses, one after another, 
to the colonel, ordering him to call in all his detach- 
ed parties and to keep his whole force within the 
fort and entrenchments. About midnight, one of 
the expresses returned with an account that the ene- 
my were advanced within four miles of fort Edward. 
A council of officers was summoned, and, agreeably 
to their opinion, early in the morning a party of a 
thousand men, with Hcndric, the Mohawk sachem, 
and his Indians were detached to intercept the ene- 
my. The party was commanded by colonel Will- Detach- 
iams of the Massachusetts and colonel Whiting ef ^"coh 
Connecticut. Baron Dieskau, who marched from Williams. 
Ticonderoga, with a view to cut off the garrison at 
fort Edward, when he had advanced within a few 
miles of the fort, receiving information that it was 
fortified with cannon ; and, that the army at the lake 
had neither lines nor cannon, agreeably to the unan- 
imous desire of his troops, came to the resolution of 
attacking the main camp. As he was advancing 
within about three miles of it, his advanced parties 
discovered the corps under colonel Williams, and 
he immediately laid an ambush to surprise him. 
Notwithstanding the vigilance and keen sight of the 
Indians the whole party were drawn into the snare. 
The enemy instantly rose, and from almost every 
quarter poured in upon them a tremendous fire. 
Colonel Williams, the Indian sachem, and many 
Vol. I. 45 



354 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 

X. 

1755. 
Col. kill- 
ed, de- 
tachment 
repulsed, 
Sept. 6. 



Battle at 
lake 
George, 
Sept. 6. 



other officers and men instantly fell. Under these 
disadvantages, and pressed with superior numbers, 
it was with the utmost difficulty, that colonel Whi- 
ting, who succeeded in command, extricated his men 
from this dangerous defile and secured his retreat in- 
to the camp. The enemy pressed so hard that ma- 
ny fled singly, and some whole companies soon fol- 
lowed their example. To prevent an entire over- 
throw the whole were obliged to retreat with as 
much haste as possible. 

A close firing was heard in the camp, which was 
judged to be at three or four miles distance, and ap- 
peared to approach nearer and nearer. From this 
circumstance, it was rightly conjectured, that the de- 
tachment was repulsed and retreating into camp. 
The utmost exertions were made to give the enemy 
a proper reception. A few cannon had been 
brought on, but they were at the south landing 
of the lake, half a mile*, or more, from the breast- 
work. The camp was alarmed and parties were 
sent to bring forwaid such pieces of cannon as could 
be moved with the greatest facility and despatch. 
Fugitives from the retreating detachment, soon 
came running into the camp. These were followed 
by company after company, in the utmost hurry and 
disorder. The whole party were soon in, and the 
enemy, following close upon them, appeared in reg- 
ular order, advancing towards the centre of the camp. 
At about thirty rods distance, they made a little halt, 
and began the attack, with a brisk and heavy firing 
of platoons. The Canadians and Indians covered the 
flanks of the regular troops, and commenced a brisk 
though irregular fire. The confusion in which the 
detachment had retreated, the reports of the loss they 
had sustained, and of the great numbers of the ene- 
my, with the bold countenance and regularity with 
which they began the attack, for a few minutes caus- 
ed such a general panic, that it required the utmost 
exertions of the generals to keep the men at the 
lines ; but they had received but a few fires before 



UNITED STA-TES OF AMERICA. 555 

their spirits began to rise, and they-f ought with great chap. 
resolution. The lines became one continual blaze 



and roar. Some pieces of artillery began to play, 17&5 
and so intimidated the Canadians and Indians that 
they were scattered and retired behind trees and 
bushes, firing at too great a distance to do execution. 
Baron Dieskau finding that he could make no im- 
pression on the centre of the camp, moved first to 
the left, and then to the right, attempting, by every 
exertion of military art and prowess to force a pas- 
sage. But as he was not supported by his irregu- 
lars, and as from every part of the lines, which he at- 
tempted to penetrate, he received a heavy and des- 
tructive fire, he was obliged to give over his at- 
tempts. The provincials perceiving that the fire of 
the enemy abated, and that they were in confusion, 
without waiting for orders, leaped their breast- works, 
and attacked them on all sides, with such resolution 
and firmness, as put them to an entire rout. 

When the action commenced the number of the B. Dies. 
enemy amounted to about two thousand. Of these £ au c } e ~ , 

J . . , i mi i ii« i • ieated and 

seven hundred were killed and thirty made prisoners, taken, 
Among the latter was baron Dieskau himself, who 
was found at a little distance from the field, danger- 
ously wounded, supporting himself by the stump of 
a tree. 

The loss of the provincials was about two hun- 
dred. These were principally of the detachment 
under colonel Williams. Of this there were kiiied 
besides privates, colonel Williams, major Ashley, 
six captains, and several subalterns. Among Hie 
slain were the brave king Hendric and about forty 
of his Indians. The only officer of distinction kill- 
ed in the attack on the camp was the brave colonel 
Tidcomb, who, about ten years before, had signal- 
ized himself at the siege of Louisburg. The gen- 
eral and major Nichols were wounded. 

The next day captain M'Guines marching from M'Guines 
fort Edward, with a detachment of a hundred and jJartybf* 
twenty New Hampshire men, as a reinforcement to theFraodi 



356 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, the camp, discovered between three and four hun- 
dred of the remains of the enemy, sitting by a pond 
1755 not far from the place where colonel Williams had 
been defeated. Though his numbers were so infe- 
rior to the enemy's, he made such dispositions and 
attacked them with, such impetuosity and good con- 
duct, that after a sharp action, he put them to an 
entire flight. They fled with such precipitation as 
to leave many of their packs and other articles to 
the conquerors. The brave captain, however, un- 
fortunately received a wound, of which he died a 
few days after his arrival in the camp.* 
Small cir- Several small circumstances, which seem to have 
ces occa- been merely providential, probably saved fort Ed- 
sion the ward and the army ; and occasioned the defeat of the 
victory. enemv# The report of a prisoner, whom the French 
had taken, that the camp was entirely defenceless, 
without lines or cannon, determined them to make 
the attack on the main army, and probably saved 
fort Edward : That they made not the attack two 
days sooner, when the camp was, in fact, in the sit- 
uation, which the prisoner had reported : and that 
the enemy halted and began the attack at so great a 
distance, as rendered their fire in a great measure 
ineffectual, till the provincials had recovered their 
spirits, and were prepared to make a manly resist- 
ance, were very favourable circumstances. Had the 
enemy reserved their fire and advanced directly to 
the lines, without hesitation, it is not improbable, 
that they would have gained a complete victory, with 
less loss than they finally sustained. Had not the 
provincials strengthened their camp with lines, and 
brought on their cannon at that very juncture, or 
had any of these circumstances been otherwise than 
they were, the army might have been ruined. It is 
the glory of Providence, by small means and cir- 
cumstances, to produce great events. The neighing 
of a horse gave an empire to Darius. 

* Rider's Hist. vol. xl. p. 120. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 357 

The action at the lake gave an immediate alarm to chap. 
the country. Large reinforcements were draughted 



from the militia of the colonies, and forwarded to 1755- 
the" army, with the greatest expedition. But the ab- 
solute necessity of strong forts and garrisons, at the 
carrying place, and at the lake, in which provisions 
and stores might be safely lodged, and by which a 
communication might be maintained between the ar- 
my and Albany, now appeared in a much stronger 
point of light than it had ever before done. It was Necessity 
from Albany only that it could be supplied with pro- foj? t r s ectinff 
visions, or be reinforced on any emergency. It was 
only by keeping this communication open, that the 
retreat of the army could be secured. Therefore, 
though it was reinforced, it was judged unsafe to pass 
the lake till a good fort was erected at the south land- 
ing of lake George, and the works at fort Edward 
were strengthened and rendered more complete. 

It was easily foreseen, that, by the time the ne- 
cessary preparations could be made, it would be too 
late to proceed to Crown Point this campaign, and 
all thoughts of it were laid aside. But that every 
thing might be in the best state of readiness, as soon 
as the spring should open, the army addressed them- 
selves, with the utmost diligence, to complete the 
works proposed. A fort was erected at lake George, 
and the works at fort Edward were completed. The 
army were employed in these services till the latter 
end of November. The troops then decamped, and, 
excepting those who kept garrison, returned to their 
respective colonies. 

Though the expedition against Crown Point had 
failed as to its main object, yet the management of it, 
had been with such spirit and prudence, as was high- 
ly applauded by his majesty and the whole nation. General 
From his majesty the general received the honour J° hnson 
of a baronet, and from the British parliament a pres- pi ° 
ent of five thousand pounds.* 

* Rider's Hist. vol. xl. p. 121. 



358 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



chap. The army commanded by governour Shirley con- 
. sisted of two thousand and five hundred men. But 

1755# his preparations were deficient and his measures so 
Expedi- slow and dilatory that he effected nothing of any great 
gainst Ni- importance. It was towards the middle of July be- 
agara fails, fore the first division of his army marched from Al- 
bany. It was the eighteenth of August before the 
general arrived at Oswego, and it was the last of the 
month before the artillery and the rear division of 
the army arrived. The great distance between Al- 
bany and Oswego, made the transportation of pro- 
visions, ammunition, and stores an exceedingly diffi- 
cult business. On the news of general Braddock's 
defeat many of his battoe men dispersed and ran 
home, by reason of which a sufficient quantity of 
provisions could not be carried on for the troops. 
Therefore, though a number of good vessels 
and a vast number of boats were built, to con- 
vey the army across the lake to Niagara, and 
though the general had brought on a fine train 
of artillery, yet he could not proceed for want of 
provisions. Even as late as the twenty sixth of 
September, he had hardly provisions sufficient to 
proceed with six hundred men only. Beside the 
rainy season was now come on, and it was judged 
impracticable to proceed. The rest of the season 
was therefore spent in erecting barracks and two 
new forts. The ground on which the old fort was 
built, in seventeen hundred twenty seven, was 
chosen rather for the agreeable.ness of its situation, 
than for defence against a regular siege. One fort 
therefore, was built on the east side of the river On- 
ondago, called fort Ontario. This was about four 
hundred and fifty yards distant from the old fort, and 
was designed to command that and the entrance of 
the harbour. The other was four hundred and fif- 
ty yards west of the old fort called Oswego. Colo- 
nel Mercer and seven hundred men were left at Os- 
wego to garrison the forts ; and the rest of the army 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 359 

decamped on the twenty fourth of October and return- chap. 
ed to Albany. __ 

Thus ended the campaign of seventeen hundred ir55 
fifty five. Notwithstanding the prodigious exertions 
of the colonies, the French were not dispossessed of a 
single fortress, on their northern or western frontiers. 
They and their Indian allies, not only ravaged the Ravages 
western frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania dur- "nd^m* 
ing the summer, but they continued plundering, sylvania. 
burning, and laying them waste, murdering and cap- 
tivating the inhabitants, during the whole winter.* 

Doubtless it will appear extraordinary, if not, in a 
measure, unaccountable, that while New England 
and New York, were raising such powerful armies, 
the wealthy and numerous colonies of Pennsylvania, 1756, 
Maryland, and Virginia, should suffer a small num- 
ber of French and Indians, with impunity, to be thus 
continually alarming and wasting the country, capti- 
vating, murdering, and committing all manner of 
barbarities on their inhabitants. This is to be ac- 
counted for, principally, on the account of their di- 
visions. These originated partly from clashing Divisions 
interests between the colonies, but chiefly from differ- "0^^ 
ences between the people, and royal and proprietary colonies; 
governours. Pennsylvania were entirely opposed to the 
Ohio company for reasons which have been men- 
tioned. Her inhabitants seem rather to have en- 
couraged the French and Indians at first. After- 
wards, when they themselves felt the effects of their 
inhumanity, the misunderstanding between them and 
governour Morris frustrated their best concerted 
plans. When the assembly of the province became 
convinced of the absolute necessity of erecting forts 
and maintaining a standing military force, for the 
defence of their western frontier, and passed a bill of 
fifty thousand pounds, for that purpose, he absolute- 
ly refused giving his assent to it, because the estates 
©f the proprietors were taxed equally with the estates 

* Rider's Hist, vol. xl. n 127. 



360 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, of the inhabitants. He insisted, that he had express 
' orders from the proprietors, to oppose all taxes npon 
1756 their lands. The assembly judged it so reasonable, 
that, the proprietaries should pay an equal tax with the 
inhabitants, as their estates were equally in danger, 
and as they would be equally benefitted by the com- 
mon defence, that they could not be willing to alter 
the mode of the bill. 

Between governour Dinwiddie and the Virginians, 
there was a violent animosity, on the account of his 
rapacity and extravagant fees for grants of land. They 
carried the matter so far as to prefer a complaint 
against him to his majesty. 

Maryland was less exposed than the other two col- 
onies, and not very zealous in carrying on the war. 
While they therefore would not unite in their own 
defence it could not be expected that she should un- 
dertake it separately. Hence for want of union noth- 
ing could be done to any good purpose. 
Jan. 28. His majesty was so well pleased with the zeal of 
New England, and some of the other colonies, that 
he recommended it by a message to the house of 
Encour- commons, To take into consideration the faithful 
tor New serv 'i ces of the people of New England, and of some 
England, other parts of North America, and grant them a suit- 
able reward and encouragement. In consequence 
of his majesty's recommendation, the parliament vot- 
ed one hundred and fifty thousand pounds for those 
purposes.* 

As governour Shirley had not answered the ex- 
pectations of his majesty the last campaign ; and as 
he determined to make his principal efforts in Amer- 
ica, where the first hostilities commenced, and where 
It was imagined the strongest impressions could be 
made, general Abercrombie was appointed to suc- 
ceed him. But as it was imagined that a general 
command over all the operations in North America, 
would be subservient to the general interest, the earl 

* Ruler's Hist, vol sJ n, 151, 152. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 36]. 

of Loudon was appointed commander in chief of that chap. 
department of the war. Besides his general com- 
mand, he was appointed governour of Virginia, and ^ 56 
colonel of a royal American regiment, which was to 
be raised in the country. He was viewed as a no- 
bleman of an amiable character, and had formerly 
distinguished himself in the service of the nation. 
He was vested with powers little short of a viceroy. 
General Abcrcrombie took his departure for this 
country in March, but the earl of Loudon, who was 
to direct the grand plan of operation, never left Eng- 
land till the last of May. By this time he ought to 
have been in America. 

All the hostilities of the preceding years had been Procknti- 
carried on without any proclamation of war, by Eng- lions of 
land or France. The latter had, during the whole wai * 
time, made the most pacific professions. But on the 
eighteenth of May, Great Britain proclaimed war 
against France. Early in June, the king of France J une ^ 
in his turn, proclaimed war against Great Britain. 

The plan of operations in America, had been con- 
certed the last year, in a general council of war, at 
New York. It was to attack Niagara and Crown 
Point. And to facilitate these operations, a body of 
troops was to be detached up Kennebec river to alarm 
the capital of Canada. These enterprises were to 
have been effected by the northern colonies, in con- 
junction with a body of regular troops. At the same 
time the southern colonies, assisted by some regular 
regiments, were to besiege fort du Quesne on the 
Ohio. The plan was extensive, but the colonies 
united, with men of skill and enterprise to lead 
them, were well able to have carried it into execu- 
tion. 

Niagara, without exception, was one of the most 
important posts in North America. Its situation 
was on the south side of lake Ontario, at the very 
entrance of the strait, which joins this to lake Erie, 
and forms the only water communication between 
them. It was the grand link which connected the 
Vol. T. 46 



362 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, two colonies of Canada and Louisiana. It was the 
only way, by which the Indians, for several hundred 
1756 miles from the northwest, could pass with safety to 
the southern parts of America ; or by which the 
Indians south of the lake could communicate with 
the northern. Whoever commanded this post 
must, in a greater or less degree, not only influence 
and command the Five Nations, and the Indians north 
of the lake, but all those scattered on the banks of 
Ouabache and the Missisippi. By cutting off this 
post all communication between Canada, the Ohio, 
and Louisiana would be cut off, and the English 
would in a great measure, command all the Indians 
on their western frontiers. At the same time it 
would greatly facilitate the reduction of the enemy's 
fortresses on the Ohio, and all their other posts south 
of the lakes. 

Crown Point, which was erected about the year 
1731, secured the absolute command of lake Cham- 
plain, and guarded the only passage into Canada. 
Through this lake, by the route of Crown Point,the par- 
ties of French and Indians made their ancient bloody 
incursions upon the frontiers of New England and 
NewYork. This post brought the enemy much nearer 
to the colonies, and served them as a retreat on emer- 
gencies. It furnished them with a magazine of pro- 
visions and ammunition at hand, and greatly facilitated 
their works of destruction. By the reduction of this, 
the frontiers of those colonies, would be, in a great 
measure, rendered secure. The enemy would be 
driven back into their own territories, north of the 
lakes, and the way would be opened, the very next 
campaign, to penetrate into the heart of Canada. 

Governour Shirley, though he was not able to. 
proceed to the attack of Niagara, the last campaign, 
yet had made ample preparations to proceed to it 
immediately in the spring. The New Englanders 
under general Johnson had not only carried on a fine 
artillery and ample stores to lake George, but had 
built boats for crossing the lake, and forts to pre- 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. $QJ 

serve the communication between the army and the chap. 
country, so that every thing was in the happiest train 
to proceed to an immediate attack on the enemy's 1756 
posts. The last campaign, every thing was to be 
done, roads were to be made, the rivers were to be 
cleared of their obstructions, the battoes, boats, and 
vessels were all to be built, and forts were to be 
erected ; but now all was prepared to the hand of 
the officers, who succeeded in command. The co- 
lonial forces were early in readiness for the field. 
Four regular regiments with a number of indepen- 
dent companies had been in the country all winter. 
The great distance between Albany and Oswego 
required that the operations of the campaign should 
commence as soon as possible. Besides, as the 
French had two forts on the lake, and Monsieur 
Montcalm, a brave and skilful officer to conduct 
their operations, there was every reason to expect, 
that unless the English generals took the field at an 
early period, he would make a descent upon the forts 
at Oswego, and not only frustrate the expedition, 
but possess himself of that important post. The 
attention of Great Britain was, with eagerness, turned 
towards America, which was designed to be the 
chief scene of military operation. America was big 
with expectation. 

In this happy state of preparation and of high and 
universal expectation, the new generals dashed all 
the schemes of Great Britain and the American . 
colonies. Like the touch of the torpedo on the 
human body, for nearly two years, they occasioned 
a general torpor in all the English troops and milita- 
ry operations in America. 

General Abercrombie delayed his operations, or 
even so much as joining his army, till the latter part 
of June. He pretended to be waiting for two regi- 
ments from England. At length they arrived, and, 
on the twenty fifth of the month, the general pro- June 25, 
ceeded to Albany. Here he found himself at the 
head of six regular regiments, a number of indepen* 



364 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap dent companies, the New England, New York, and 
New Jersey troops, with tour companies from North 
1756 Carolina. But still, with this fine army, such an 
one, probably, as had never before been assembled in 
America,* nothing of consequence was undertaken. 
Neither of the proposed expeditions were attempted, 
nor were the out posts seasonably reinforced. 

Meanwhile the enemy acted with vigour and des- 
patch. They had not only time to make prepara- 
tions against future attacks, but to begin offensive 
operations. Even before this period they had re- 
duced a small fort in the country of the Five Nations. 
The garrison consisting of twenty five Englishmen 
were massacred to a man, in the midst of those In- 
dians, who had been long considered as the allies of 
Great Britain and her colonies. At the same time 
they carefully watched all the motions of the English, 
Having received intelligence that a considerable con- 
voy of provisions was on the way from Schenectada 
to Oswego, they laid an ambush in the woods and 
thickets, on the north side of the Onondago river, to 
intercept and cut off the party. Just as the enemy 
came to the place, they heard that the convoy was 
past ; but they determined, if that were the case, to 
wait the return of the detachment. This was com- 
manded by colonel Bradstreet, an officer of courage 
and enterprise. He had been apprehensive of such 
Col. Brad an event, and was not unprepared, As he was sailing 
street at- along the river, with his battoes formed in three 
but de' divisions, he was saluted with the Indian war whoop 
feats the and a general discharge of musketry from the north 
iidv3.' shore. He immediately ordered his men to land on 
the opposite shore, and with part of them he took 
possession of a small island. The enemy instantly 
forded the river and attacked him ; but he gave them 
so warm a reception that they were soon repulsed. 
Finding that another body of the enemy had crossed 
a mile higher up, he advanced against them with two 

* It consisted of about 10,000 men, and in the garrisons at Oswego 
and the forts south of lake George were about two thousand more. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 36$ 

hundred men, and attacked them sword in hand, with chap. 
such fury, that those who were not slain upon the 



spot, were driven with precipitation and confusion 1756 
into the river, and considerable numbers were drown- 
ed. Hearing that a third party had crossed still 
higher up the river, he marched against them with 
almost incredible despatch, and put them to a total 
rout. In these actions, which lasted nearly three 
hours, about seventy of his men were killed and 
wounded. About twice that number of the enemy 
were killed and seventy taken prisoners. 

From the prisoners the colonel learned that a large 
body of the enemy had taken post on the east side of 
lake Ontario, furnished with artillery and all imple- 
ments for the siege of Oswego. Colonel Bradstreet 
returned immediately to Albany, and gave general 
Abercrombie an account of this intelligence. Gen- 
eral Webb with one regiment was ordered to hold 
himself in readiness to march to the relief of that 
garrison. But on the twenty ninth of July, when the 
earl of Loudon arrived at Albany, he had not begun 
his march. By this time about seven thousand of 
the New England and New York troops under gen- 
eral Winslow had advanced to the south landing at 
lake George. They were in high spirits, perfectly 
harmonious, and waited with impatience to be led on 
to the attack of Crown Point. Great numbers of 
battoe men lay at Albany, Schenectada, and other 
places convenient for the service. The generals had 
with them about three thousand regulars at Albany. 
With such a force, officers of skill and enterprise inactivity 
might have penetrated into the heart of Canada. But j£?Jj h 
the British generals, with most of the regular troops, generals. 
continued at Albany till the middle of August, if not An S- 12 - 
till sometime after ; and general Webb never began 
his march for Oswego till the twelfth of the month. 



Meanwhile the Marquis de Montcalm invested the Montcalm 

■"ests 
we go, 



forts at Oswego, with about three thousand men, qJ" 



regulars, Canadians, and Indians. He blocked up 
the harbour with two large armed vessels, and post- 



366 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 
X 

1756. 



It surren- 
ders, Aug. 
14. 

Loss at 
Oswego. 



Conse- 
quences 
of the 
capture. 



ed a strong party on the roads between Albany and 
the forts, to cut off all communication of succour or 
intelligence. Having made the necessary prepara- 
tions, on the twelfth of August, he opened his trench- 
es before fort Ontario, which had been built for the 
purpose of securing fort Oswego, on' an eminence, 
by which it was commanded. The English, firing 
aw r ay their shells and ammunition, and spiking up 
their cannon, unaccountably retired, the very next 
day, across the river into fort Oswego, where they 
were much more exposed than they were in the fort 
which they had abandoned. The enemy possessed 
of this commanding ground, soon began an incessant 
fire on fort Oswego. On the thirteenth colonel Mer- 
cer, who commanded, was killed with a cannon shot ; 
the officers were divided in opinion, and the garri- 
son panic struck, so that the enemy made an easy 
conquest of one of the most important posts which 
the English had in America. On the fourteenth of 
August the garrison capitulated. A hundred and 
twenty one pieces of cannon, fourteen mortars, great 
quantities of ammunition and warlike stores, two 
frigates or sloops of war, which had been built to 
cruise on the lake, and to cover the troops in the ex- 
pedition against Niagara, two hundred boats and 
battoes, with a garrison of sixteen hundred men were 
delivered into the hands of the enemy.* The vic- 
tors immediately dismantled the forts, and carried off 
this grand booty to strengthen their own lines and 
fortresses on the lake. 

By the fall of this post the enemy obtained the sole 
command of the lakes Ontario and Erie, and the 
whole country of the Five Nations, which it was de- 
signed to cover. The settlements at the German 
flats, and all that fine tract of country on the Wood 
Creek and Mohawk rivers were laid open to their in- 
cursions. 

* Rider's Hist. vol. xli. p. 16—27. Wright's History of the French 
War, vol. i. p. 17, 18. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 367 

When general Webb had advanced as far as the chap. 
carrying place, between Mohawk river and Wood 
Creek, he received the news of the capture of Os- 1756 
wego. Apprehensive of an attack by the enemy, he 
"began to fell trees and throw them into the river, 
and to render it impassable even for canoes. The 
French ignorant of his numbers, and dreading an at- 
tack by him, used the like precautions to prevent 
his advancing. He was left therefore to retreat in 
the same leisure manner in which he had advanced. 

Lord Loudon now pretended, that it was too late 
to attempt any thing against the enemy, though it 
was nearly three months to the time of the usual de- 
campment of the army. The troops were advanced 
to the south end of lake George, and might, at any 
time, within a few days have made an attack on Ti- 
conderoga or Crown Point. 

He spent the remainder of the season, in pretend- 
ed preparations for an early campaign the next spring. 
The forts, Edward and fort William Henry, were 
made more defensible, and furnished with numerous 
garrisons. The provincials returned to their respec- 
tive colonies, and the regular troops who were not 
employed in the garrisons went into winter quarters at 
Albany. Thus ended the northern campaign of 
1756. ' 

The last year the provincials under their own gener- Compari- 
als had advanced far upon the enemy, erected forts, sonbe - 
built ships, and many hundreds of boats and battoes, campaigns 
defeated one army of their enemies and taken their of W55, 
general captive. They had also made grand prepar- am 
ations for opening the campaign, at the earliest pe- 
riod, this year. The British generals, with the finest 
army ever collected in America, with the advantage of 
roads and rivers, cleared for their passage, to the very 
forts of the enemy, and with all the other prepara- 
tions of the last year, had lost one of their most im- 
portant posts, had not advanced one foot upon the 
enemy, nor effected any thing honourable or important. 



368 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 

X. 

1756. 
Conduct 
of the 
southern 
colonies. 



General 
disap- 
point- 
ment. 



The management of affairs in the southern colo- 
nies was not more fortunate than it had been in the 
northern. Pennsylvania, Maryland, and Virginia did 
not resolve on any regular plan of defence. Fort 
Granville, on the confines of Pennsylvania, was sur- 
prised and taken. The French and Indians, in small 
parties, making frequent incursions into the frontier 
settlements, in these colonies, committed many 
shocking murders on the defenceless inhabitants, 
without regard to distinction of character, sex, or age. 

In South Carolina the slaves were so much more 
numerous than the white people, that it was thought 
unsafe for them to spare any of their troops abroad 
upon a general enterprise. 

Great expectations had been formed of the earl of 
Loudon and general Abercrombie. In the' principal 
towns through which his lordship passed, the first 
characters flocked round him, and, with great cere- 
mony, congratulated him on his safe arrival. At 
New Haven, Mr. president Clap and the principal 
gentlemen of the town, waited on him in the most 
respectful manner. The president presented his 
lordship with their joint congratulations on the safe 
arrival of a peer of the realm, in North America. 
How prodigious then was their disappointment, how 
cutting their chagrin, when they found that these 
very men, from whom they expected so much, 
had disconcerted and dashed all their plans, and em- 
ployed ten or twelve thousand men about nothing ? 
Had, through their inactivity, lost more men, by 
diseases, than probably would have been lost in a 
vigorous, active campaign, in which they might have 
engaged in severe and hard fought battles, and done 
the most essential services to their country ? It was 
not difficult to discern, that from such men, the 
enemy had nothing to fear, and the colonies nothing 
to expect, but loss and disappointment. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 369 



CHAPTER XI. 

Preparations for the campaign in 1757. Plan of operation in America 
phanged, and Lcfiiisbttrg becomes its only object. This is rein- 
forced, and the expedition postponed. Fort William Henry taken 
by the French. The country is alarmed, and great reinforcements 
of militia sent forward to Albany and Fort Edward. The campaign 
closes with loss and shame. The provincials lose all confidence 
in the British commanders. Change of men. 1758 Armament 
against Louisburg. Its siege and capture by general Amherst. 
Defeat at Ticonderoga. Du Quesne taken by general Forbes. 

Notwithstanding the disappointments of chap. 

the last, the British parliament made great prepara- XL 
tions this year, for a vigorous prosecution of the l7 ~ 
war in America. In May admiral Holbourn and Prepara- 
commodore Holmes sailed from Cork, for America, t , ions for 

the* CUTR- 

with eleven ships ,of the line, a fire ship, bomb ketch, pa ign. 
and fifty transports, having on board more than six 
thousand regular troops. The land force came out 
under general Hopson. The armament arrived safe 
at Halifax the ninth of July. The colonies expect- 
ing, that after such long and great preparations, for 
that purpose, that they should be led on to the con- 
quest of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, had been 
zealous in raising their full complement of men. 
Great therefore was their mortification when they 
found that the design against Crown Point was laid 
aside, and that the reduction cf Louisburg was be- 
come the sole object of the expedition. They were 
unwilling that their troops should be removed out of 
the colonies and be employed against Louisburg. 
It appeared to them extremely impolitic, after the 
expense of so much time and money, in preparations 
for an expedition to the northward, now to lay it 
aside. Such inconstancy and fluctuation appeared 
to them childish, and calculated to prevent the ac- 
complishment of any thing decisive or important. 
Vol. I. 47 



370 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



1757. 



July 9. 



chap. Besides, it did not appear safe for the colonies, in 
this manner to draw off their troops. They had not 
been able the last year, with an army of nearly twelve 
thousand men, to maintain their ground. The ene- 
my were now stronger than they were at that time, 
and, by the loss of Oswego, all the western country 
was laid open to their ravages. There was reason 
to fear, that the frontier posts and settlements would, 
one after another, be swept away ; and, that the pre- 
parations, which had been made for an early attack 
on the enemy, would be swept away with them. 

The colonies however were obliged to submit, 
and lord Loudon sailed from New York, with six 
thousand land forces, and joined Holbourn and Hop- 
son at Halifax. Here was now a land army of more 
than twelve thousand men, exclusive of officers, aid- 
ed by a powerful fleet ; but they were so dilatory in 
their measures, that before they were ready to sail, 
the Brest fleet, of seventeen sail of the line besides 
frigates and transports, arrived at Louisburg ; and 
the garrison was so reinforced, that it amounted to 
more than nine thousand men. On the reception of 
this intelligence, it was judged inexpedient to pro- 
burg given ceed, and the expedition was given up.* 

Had the earl of Loudon been a man of enterprise, 
had he wished to have distinguished himself in his 
majesty's service, or to have rendered himself popu- 
lar in the colonies, he might, by the beginning of 
September, have conducted this powerful army to 
Ticonderoga, and carried all before him in that quar- 
ter. At least he might have sent on large detach- 
ments for the defence of the frontiers. With his Prus- 
sian majesty, an Amherst, or a Wolfe, these would 
have been but natural and common achievements. 
But he returned to New York, and effected nothing. 
The miserable consequences of this irresolution and 
inactivity, began soon to appear in a strong point of 
light. 



Expedi 
tion a- 
gainst 
Louis- 



over. 



* Rider's Hist. vol. Xlii. p. 6, 7 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 371 

The British generals in America, did more, by chaF. 
their pusillanimity, the weakness and inconstancy XL 
of their counsels, than the French otherwise could 1757. 
have done by all their conquests. As though they 
had not been satisfied with the loss of Oswego, they 
destroyed the fortifications at the great carrying place, 
and filled Wood Creek with logs and trees. They 
cut off all communication between the colonies and 
the Five Nations, the only body of Indians which pre- 
served even the appearance of friendship to them, 
and abandoned their whole country to the mercy of 
the enemy. Nothing could be done to prevent their 
collecting the Indians from all quarters to act against 
the colonies. 

Monsieur Montcalm did not neglect to improve 
the advantages which he had gained, and which the 
conduct of the British commanders afforded him. 
Finding that the troops were drawn off to Halifax, 
he at once determined on the siege of fort William 
Henry, and the destruction of the vessels and battoes, 
at the south landing of lake George. Bodies of In- 
dians were collected, and preparations made with 
despatch for the enterprise. 

Meanwhile colonel Parker with four hundred men, 
in battoes, was detached from this post, to surprise an 
advanced guard of the enemy at Ticonderoga. Land- 
ing at night, on an island not far distant, he sent three 
boats to reconnoitre, directing them where to meet 
him in a general rendezvous. The enemy, waylaying 
and intercepting the boats, got perfect intelligence 
of the colonel's designs, and concerted measures to 
decoy him into their hands. Having laid an am- 
bush of three hundred men behind the point where 
he designed to land, they sent three boats to the 
place appointed for rendezvous. The colonel mis- 
taking them for his own boats eagerly put to shore, 
and was instantly surrounded with the enemy, who 
were now reinforced with four hundred men. They 
attacked him on all sides, with such incessant via- 



372 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

xl ? l ence > tnat seventy private men and two officers only 

made their escape. 

1757. Elated with this success, Monsieur Montcalm 
hastened to the siege of fort William Henry, Hav- 
ing drawn together all his forces from Crown Point, 
Ticonderoga, and the adjacent posts, with a greater 
number of Indians than the French had ever before 
employed, on any occasion, he passed the lake, 
August 3. and regularly invested the fort. His whole army 
amounted to nearly eight thousand men. The gar- 
rison consisted of about three thousand, and the for- 
Wiiiiam tifications were good. At fort Edward lay general 
Sken y Webb with about four thousand troops. Yet in six 
Aug. 9. days was this important fortress delivered to the en- 
emy. All the vessels, boats, and battoes on the lake, 
which, at so much expense and labour, for two years, 
had been preparing, fell into the hands of the enemy. 
Though general Webb had seasonable intimations 
of their designs, yet he never sent to alarm the coun- 
try, and bring on the militia. He never reinforced 
the garrison, nor made a single movement for its re- 
lief. So far from this was he, that he sent a letter to 
colonel Monro, who commanded the fort, advising 
him to give it up to the enemy.* Montcalm inter- 
cepting the letter sent it into the fort to the colonel. 
The garrison was allowed to march out with their 
arms, baggage, one piece of artillery, and all the usu- 
al honours of war. The troops were not to serve, 
against the most christian king, during eighteen 
months, unless exchanged for an equal number of 
Partofthe French prisoners. The French Indians paid no re- 
ndered & ar d to tne capitulation, but falling on the English, 
as they marched out, stripped them of their baggage 
and few remaining effects ; and the Indians in the 
English service were dragged from the ranks, toma- 
hawked, and scalped. Men and women had their 
throats cut, their bodies ript open, and their very 
bowels, with insult, thrown in their faces. Infants 

* Rider's Hist. vol. xlii. p. 9—12. Wright's Hist, of War, vol. i. p. 41. 



garrison 
Hiur 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 373 

and children were wantonly taken by their heels and chap. 
their brains dashed out against stones and trees.* 
The Indians pursued the English half way to fort 175r> 
Edward, where most of them at last arrived, in the 
most forlorn condition. Is it not admirable, that 
between two and three thousand troops, with arms 
in their hands, should, contrary to the most express 
stipulation, suffer these insults ? 

When it was too late, general Webb alarmed the Country 
country, and put the colonies to great expense in alarmed - 
sending on large detachments of the militia for the 
defence of the northern frontiers. The sudden cap- 
ture of the fort, the massacre made by the enemy's 
Indians, suspicions of treachery in general Webb, 
and apprehensions that Montcalm would soon force 
his way to Albany, filled the country with general 
consternation. People never were more alarmed 
during the war. At the same time, there was never 
a more general and manly exertion. The small col- 
ony of Connecticut detached a body of about five 
thousand men. She had fourteen hundred in service 
before. General Webb, notwithstanding the great 
numbers of men with which he was reinforced from 
Connecticut, New York, and the other northern col- 
onies, did not make any effectual provision for the 
defence of the frontier settlements. No sooner had 
the enemy finished one expedition, than another was 
undertaken. Soon after the capture of fort William 
Henry, the enemy, with fire and sword, desolated German 
the fine settlements at the German flats, and on the f^yed"" 
Mohawk river. On the American station there were 
about twenty thousand regular troops, and a large 
body of provincials in service, and yet one fortress 
and settlement after another was swept away, and 
every where the enemy rioted and triumphed with 
impunity. This was the end of the campaign, this 
year, in America. 

* Rider*s Hist. vol. xlii.p. 14. Wright's, vol. i. p. 41. 



374 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

C xt P * Amidst this succession of misfortunes on the 

. northern frontiers, the affairs of the southern colo- 

i 757 . nies, in some respects, took a more favourable turn. 
The governour of Pennsylvania concluded a peace 
with the Delaware Indians inhabiting on the banks 
of the Susquehannah, and in some measure covering 
the frontiers of that province. At the same time 
Virginia found means of conciliating the Cherokees 
and Catawbaws, and of obtaining a league of friend- 
ship and alliance with those powerful tribes. At 
that time they were supposed to be able to furnish 
three thousand gun men. From these treaties the 
southern colonies derived very considerable advan- 
tages, and their frontiers seem to have suffered much 
less in this, than in the two former years. 

The colonies by this time, had very much lost all 
confidence in the British commanders in America. 
They appeared so dilatory, so destitute of all foresight 
and spirit of enterprise, as utterly to disqualify them, 
for the important command which they held. To 
their incapacity and pusillanimity, wholly did they 
impute the capture of fort William Henry, and their 
other losses on the frontiers. Notwithstanding all 
the reinforcements, which France had sent to Cana- 
da, they had, every campaign, a force much superior 
to the enemy. Had they been men of military gen- 
ius, skill, and enterprise, instead of the losses they 
sustained, they might have led on the troops under 
their command to conquest and glory. Had the colo- 
nies been left to themselves, they would, probably, 
have done much better. Two years of great ex- 
pense to them, were worse than lost. In short they 
considered the generals so incompetent to the busi- 
ness with which they were entrusted, that they did 
not very cheerfully submit to their commands. 

The province of Massachusetts, for sometime, de- 
clined a compliance with the orders of lord Loudon, 
relative to the quartering of his troops. Such a mis- 
understanding and dispute grew between them, that 
'bis lordship threatened to dragoon them into his meas 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 375 

ures. He wrote to them in this high strain ; " I have chap. 

ordered the messenger to wait but forty eight hours — 

in Boston ; and if, on his return, I find things not 1757 
settled, I will instantly order into Boston, the three 
regiments from New York, Long Island, and Con- 
necticut ; and if more are wanted, I have two in the 
Jerseys at hand, beside three in Pennsylvania." The 
assembly notwithstanding, did not express an imme- 
diate compliance, and he ordered the troops to march. 
The general court perceiving how matters were go- 
ing, and unwilling to push them to extremity, express- 
ed their compliance, and the march of the troops 
was countermanded. 

Had the old ministry been continued, and the men 
which they had appointed to the chief command in 
America, still held their places, it is impossible to 
say, what would have been the fate either of Great 
Britain, or her colonies. But, by a most favourable Change of 
turn, in Providence, those incomparable men Mr. measures - 
Pitt, Mr. Leg, and their friends, had been fixed in 
the ministry, had now time to concert their meas- 
ures, and choose the men to carry them into execu- 
tion. Every thing therefore, now took a new and 
surprising turn. The dispute relative to the Ohio, 
Crown Point, and territory in America, had involved 
most of the kingdoms of Europe in the flames of a 
destructive war. The fire had kindled in both the 
Indies, and spread its dreadful effects beyond the 
Ganges. The preparations necessary for the sup- 
port of a war of such extent were almost immense. 
However, the abilities of these great men, and the 
national resources, under their management, soon 
appeared adequate to these grand objects. 

Not discouraged with the disappointments of for- 
mer years, they determined on the reduction of 
Louisburg, with a view of cutting off the communi- 
cation between France and Canada, of destroying 
the French fishery, and of securing the trade and 
fisheries of Great Britain, and of her colonies in 
America. At the same time to gratify the colonies. 



376 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, and draw forth all their strength and exertion, it was 
determined, that expeditions should be also under- 
1768 taken against Crown Point and fort du Quesne. 
Arma- The armament for the reduction of Louisburg, 

u^recTc sa ^ c 'd from England in February. Admiral Bos- 
tionof cawen commanded the naval, and general Amherst 
Louis- t j le j anc i operations. Under general Amherst was 
Feb. 19! S ' brigadier general Wolfe. These were gentlemen of 
singular characters. General Amherst had the cool- 
ness and abilities of the Roman Fabius, while gen- 
eral Wolfe possessed the magnanimity and fire of 
the Scipios. From such men great achievements 
were expected, and their successes equalled the most 
sanguine expectations. 

On the twenty t* ighth of May, the whole fleet, con- 
sisting of a hundred and fifty seven sail, took its de- 
parture from Halifax, and on the second of June ap- 
peared before Louisburg. The land army, including 
some light troops amounted to about fourteen thou- 
sand men.* For six days the weather was so bad, 
and the surf was so prodigious, that no boat could 
live near the shore. The landing of the troops was 
impracticable. On every part of the coast, where a 
landing was judged possible, the enemy had drawn 
entrenchments. In places most convenient for the 
purpose they had erected batteries, and mounted can- 
non. During the whole time, after the discovery of 
the fleet till the landing of the troops,' the enemy 
were strengthening their works. These they lined 
with a numerous infantry. General Amherst in 
person, with a number of his generals, reconnoitred 
the shore. 
Troops On the eighth the weather became more favoura- 

l and ' „ blc, though there was vet a considerable swell and 

June 8. ' & , J ' . . , 

surf. 1 he general, determining not to lose a mo- 
ment, catched the opportunity. Before break of 
day, the troops were embarked in three divisions. 
The admiral and general made their dispositions with 

* Wright's Hist. vol. i. p. 95. Rider's Hist, vol, xliii. p. lit. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 377 

consummate judgment. To distract the enemy, by chap. 
drawing their attention to different parts, the troops 
were disposed in three divisions. That on the left 1753, 
was designed for the real attack, and was commanded 
by general Wolfe. The divisions on the right and 
in the centre were designed only for feints. Five 
frigates and some other ships of war commenced a 
furious fire not only in the centre, but on the right 
and left of the enemy, to rake them on their flanks. 
When these had fired about fifteen minutes, general 
Wolfe with his division pressed to the shore. The 
enemy reserved their fire till the boats were nearly 
in shore, and then poured on them the united blaze 
and thunder of their musketry and cannon. Many 
of the boats were broken in pieces, and others were 
overset. The men leaped into the water ; and while 
some were killed, and others drowned, the rest, sup- 
ported and animated by the noble example and con- 
duct of their gallant commander, pushed to the shore, 
and with such order and resolution rushed on the 
enemy, as soon put them into confusion, and drove 
them from their entrenchments. When general 
Wolfe had made good his landing, the centre moved 
to the left, and the right following the centre, the 
landing was completed in excellent order. 

The weather was so bad, the swell and surf so 
great, that for many days, scarcely any of the artillery 
or stores could be landed. It was with great diffi- 
culty, that provisions and implements for the siege 
were got on shore. A great many boats were lost 
in the service. The ground was exceedingly bad ; 
in some places rough, in others boggy and wet. 
These obstacles, with a brave resistance from the 
enemy, caused the operations of the siege, for some- 
time, to proceed very slowly. The enemy had five 
ships of the line in the harbour, and could bring all 
their guns to bear upon the troops in their ap- > 
proaches. But no discouragements were judged 
insurmountable, by such generals as Amherst and 
Wolfe. By the twelfth of June, general Wolfe had 

Vol. I. 48 



378 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, secured the point called the light house battery, and 
all the posts in that quarter. On the twenty fifth he 
1758. had silenced the island battery : but the shipping in 
the harbour kept up their fire upon him, till the 
twenty first of July ; when one of the ships blew up, 
and setting fire to two others, they burnt to the 
water's edge. This was to the enemy an irrepara- 
ble loss. 

General Amherst had, by this time, made his ap- 
proaches near to the city ; so that they were in good 
forwardness for making lodgments on the covered 
way. The town in many places was consumed to 
the ground, and in all it had suffered much. The 
fire of the enemy languished exceedingly, yet they 
made no proposals of capitulation. One bold action 
more was necessary to bring them to terms. The 
admiral determined to send into the harbour a de- 
tachment of six hundred men, in boats, to burn or 
bring off the two remaining ships. In the night 
between the twenty fifth and the twenty sixth of the 
month, the attack was made, under the conduct of 
two young captains, Laforey and Balfour. Under 
the darkness of the night, making their way through 
a terrible fire of cannon and musketry, they, sword 
in hand, boarded and took the ships. One running 
aground, they burnt, the other they towed out of the 
harbour in triumph. 

July 26. The next morning the governour proposed terms 
of capitulation. The garrison, consisting of five 
thousand seven hundred and thirty seven men, sur- 
rendered prisoners of war. One hundred and twen- 
ty one cannon, eighteen mortars, and large quantities 
of stores and ammunition were taken. The enemy 
lost five ships of the line and four frigates, besides 
other vessels. St. John's was given up, with Lou- 
isburg, and the English became masters of the coast, 
from St. Lawrence to Nova Scotia.* This was the 

• Rider's Hist. vol. xliii. p. 127—135. Wright's Hist. vol. i. p. 95— 
103. General Amherst's journal of the siege of Louisburg, and arti- 
cles of capitulation. At St. Joints 4,180 inhabitants submitted and 
brought in their arms. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 379 

most effectual blow to France, which she had receiv- chap. 
ed since the commencement of the war. It was a 



deep wound to her navy, and especially to her colo- 1758 
nies and interests in America. It very much cut 
off hsr communication with Canada, and greatly fa- 
cilitated the reduction of that country. 

As the reduction of Ticonderoga and Crown Point 
was a favourite object with the northern colonies, they 
made early and great exertions, for carrying it effec- 
tually into execution. Beside the assistance which 
they gave in the reduction of Louisburg, they fur- 
nished about ten thousand troops for the northern 
expedition. In conjunction with between six and 
seven thousand regular troops, they had, by the be- 
ginning of July, got into lake George more than a 
thousand boats and battoes, a fine train of artillery, 
provisions, and every thing necessary for an attack 
on the fortresses of the enemy. General Abercrom- 
bie had the chief command. 

On the fifth of July, the army, consisting of fifteen Embarka, 
thousand three hundred and ninety effective men, tlonforTl - 

conclcro- 

embarked in nine hundred battoes and one hundred ga , July 5, 
and thirty five whale boats. Besides, there were 
several rafts on which cannon were mounted to 
cover the landing of the troops. Early the next 
morning, they landed at the north end of lake George 
without opposition. The army formed in four col- 
umns and began their march for Ticonderoga. The 
woods were thick, and the guides unskilful, so that 
the troops were bewildered, and the columns falling 
in one upon another were entirely broken. In this 
state of confusion, lord Howe advancing at the head 
of the right centre column, fell in with the advanced 
guard of the enemy, consisting of about four hun- 
dred regulars and a few Indians, who had deserted 
their advanced camp near the lake, and were precip- 
itately fleeing from our troops ; but had lost their 
way, and were bewildered in the same manner, as 
they were. The enemy fired and killed lord Howe, Howe kill- 
the first fire. The Indian yell, suddenness of the at^ ed 3 ]uiy 6. 



380 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

C x^ P tac k> and fall of lord Howe, threw the regulars, who 

]__ composed the centre columns, into a general panic 

1753, and confusion ; but the provincials, who flanked 
them, were more acquainted with such kind of 
fighting, and soon defeated the party. About three 
hundred were killed, and one hundred and forty eight 
taken. Among' the prisoners were five officers and 
three cadets. The loss of the English was incon- 
siderable as to numbers ; but in consequences it was 
great and terrible. The loss of that gallant officer, 
lord Howe, was irreparable. From the day of 
his arrival in America, he had conformed himself, 
and made his regiment conform, to that kind of ser- 
vice, which the country required. He was the first 
to endure hunger and fatigue, to encounter danger, 
and sacrifice all personal considerations to the public 
service. While rigid in discipline, by his affability, 
condescending and easy manners, he conciliated affec- 
tion, and commanded universal esteem. Indeed he 
was considered very much as the life and idol of the 
army. The loss of such a man, at such a time, can- 
not be estimated. To this the provincials attribut- 
ed the defeat and unhappy consequences which 
ensued. 

As the troops for two nights had slept little, were 
greatly fatigued, and needed refreshment, the general 
ordered them to return to the landing place, where 
July 7. they arrived at eight in the morning. Colonel Brad- 
street was soon after detached with a strong corps to 
take possession of the saw mill, about two miles from 
Ticonderoga, which the enemy had abandoned. 
Towards the close of the day the whole army march- 
ed to the mill. The general having received infor- 
mation, that the garrison at Ticonderoga consisted of 
about six thousand men, and that a reinforcement of 
three thousand more was daily expected, determin- 
ed to lose no time m making an attack upon then- 
lines. He ordered his engineer to reconnoitre the 
ground and intrenchments of the enemy. He made 
a favourable report of their weakness, and of the 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 381 

practicability of forcing the lines with musketry only. C1 J AP - 
On this groundless report a rash and fatal resolution 
was taken to attempt the lines without bringing up 1758 
the artillery. 

The army advanced to the charge with the great- ^ e c f ^ e ^ 
est intrepidity, and for more than four hours, with roga , July 
incredible obstinacy maintained the attack. But the 8 - 
works, where the attack was made, were eight or nine 
feet high, and impregnable even by field pieces. For 
nearly a hundred yards from the breast-work trees 
were felled so thick and so wrought together, with 
their branches pointing outwards, that it rendered 
the approach of the troops, in a great measure, im- 
practicable. In this dreadful situation, under the 
fire of about three thousand of the enemy these gallant 
troops were kept, without the least prospect of suc- 
cess, till nearly two thousand were killed and wound- 
ed.* They were then called off; and to this rash 
and precipitate attack succeeded a retreat equally un- 
advised and precipitate. f By the evening of the 
next day the army had reached their former camp at July 9. 
the south end of lake George. 

Nothing could have been more contrary to the 
opinions, or more mortifying to the feelings of the 
provincials, than this whole affair. They viewed Tllc s ene - 
the attack upon the lines, without the artillery, as ^ 
the height of madness. Besides, it was made under 
every disadvantage to the assailants. The enemy's 
lines were of great extent, and on the south towards 
South bay, and on the north, especially at the east 
end towards the waters which form the communi- 
cation between South bay and lake Champlain, they 
were weak, and might have been approached under 
the cover of a thick wood. The army was suffi- 
ciently numerous to have attacked the lines in their 

* Of the regulars were killed 464, of the provincials S7. In the 
•whole 548. Of the regulars were wounded 1,117 ; of the provincials 
239. In the whole 1,356. There were missing; 29 regulars and 8 pro- 
vincials. The whole loss in killed, wounded, and missing; was 1,941. 
Gen. Abercrombie's return. 

-j- Wright's Hist. vol. i. p. 109, 113. Rider's, vol. xliii, p. 136,141. 



382 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, whole extent at once. But unhappily the attack 
was made only on a small part of them, where they 
1758. were by far the strongest and most inaccessible. 
As no attacks or feints were made in other parts, 
the enemy were left to pour their whole fire on a 
small spot, to which but a small part of the army 
could advance. Besides, the general never ap- 
proached the field, where his presence was indis- 
pensably necessary ; but remained at the saw mill, 
where he could see nothing of the action, nor know 
any thing but by information, at the distance of two 
miles. In consequence of this the troops for hours 
after they should have been called off, were pushed 
on to inevitable slaughter. 

But especially did the provincials reprobate the 
retreat. They esteemed themselves as more than a 
match for the enemy should their pretended rein- 
forcement arrive. The whole army after this bloody 
affair, amounted to nearly fourteen thousand men. 
After all the pompous accounts of the numbers of 
the enemy, they never amounted to but little more 
than three thousand. When the general retreated 
he had more than four effective men to their one. 
He had a fine train of artillery. There were strong 
grounds on which he might have encamped with 
the utmost safety. There were eminences which 
commanded all the works of the enemy ; whence he 
might have enfiladed their front, and poured des- 
truction on their whole lines and camp. 

The provincial officers were therefore clearly of the 
opinion, that there was the fairest prospect of success, 
notwithstanding their misfortune, could the expedi- 
tion only be prosecuted with energy and prudence. 
But the general took his own way, without advising 
with them, and appeared to retreat with the utmost 
perturbation. 
Falls into The general never had been high in the esteem of 
contempt. t j ie p rovmc j a i Sj a f ter the loss of Oswego, but now he 
sunk into contempt. They generally called him 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 383 

mistress Nabycrombie ; importing that petticoats chap. 
would become him much better than breeches. 

To repair, as far as might be, the defeat at Ticon- i 73 $. 
deroga, the general detached colonel Bradstreet with 
three thousand provincials against fort Frontenac. 
The expedition was planned by the colonel, and un- 
dertaken at his desire. He proceeded to lake Onta- 
rio, where he embarked his troops, and landing 
them safely within a mile of the enemy, immediately 
invested the fort. The enemy made no opposition, Frontenac 
but after two days surrendered themselves prisoners ^^"27. 
of war. This important post was on the north 
side of the river St. Lawrence, just were it takes its 
rise from lake Ontario. The fort not only com- 
manded the entrance of the river from the lake, but 
was the grand magazine for supplying Niagara, du 
Quesne, and all the enemy's southern and western 
garrisons. But as no attack had been expected in 
this quarter, the troops had been drawn off for the 
defence of Ticonderoga and their southern posts. 
The garrison consisted only of a hundred and thirty 
men. But there were in the fort sixty cannon, six- 
teen small mortars, and an immense quantity of pro- 
visions and goods. They were valued by the French 
at eia;ht hundred thousand livres. Nine armed ves- 
sels, from eight to eighteen guns were also taken. 
This was the whole naval force which the enemy 
had on the lake. The colonel, after he had destroy- 
ed the fort, stores, provisions, and all the vessels ex- 
cepting two, returned with them richly -laden to 
Oswego.* 

This fortunate event, together with the attempt on 
Ticonderoga, frustrated the expedition of Monsieur 
Levi against the settlements on the Mohawk river ; 
recovered the communication between Albany and 
Oswego ; and once more gave us the command of 
lake Ontario. It greatly obstructed the communica- 

* Bradstreet's Letter to general Amherst. Wright's Historvof the 
War, vol. i p. 124, 125. 



384 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 
XI. 

1758. 



General 
Forbes' 
expedi- 
tion. 



June 30, 
marches 
for the 
Ohio. 



tion between Canada, Niagara, and all their southern 
and western posts and settlements. 

General Amherst, having placed a strong garrison 
at Louisburg, and made the dispositions necessary 
for the security of the adjacent country, no sooner 
heard of the disaster at Ticonderoga, than he pro- 
ceeded to Boston, and thence, at the head of six reg- 
iments, about the middle of September, began his 
march through the country, to reinforce the army at 
the lake. He designed, if the season should not be 
too far advanced, to achieve something further for 
the service of his country. 

While these matters were transacted in the north- 
ern department, general Forbes was, with great cau- 
tion, activity, and fatigue, advancing to the conquest 
of fort du Quesne. About eight thousand men had 
been assigned to this service. In June the general 
marched from Philadelphia for the Ohio. His march 
lay through a prodigious tract of country very little 
known, destitute of roads for the marching of armies, 
incumbered with wood, morasses, and mountains al- 
most impassable. It was with incredible difficulty 
that he procured provisions and carriages, for the 
expedition : That he formed new roads, extended 
scouting parties, secured camps, and surmounted 
the numerous obstacles, which presented themselves 
in his tedious march. In addition to the other diffi- 
culties the enemy's Indians kept a constant watch 
upon ail his movements ; and, in small detachments, 
neg'ected no opportunity to harass and impede him 
in 'us progress. 

When the general had advanced- to Ray's-town, 
about ninety miles from du Quesne, he sent colonel 
Bouquet with a detachment of two thousand men to 
Lyal Henning, within about forty miles of the fort. 
The colonel, from this post, detached major Grant 
with eight hundred men to reconnoitre the fort and 
out works of the enemy, and if practicable to reduce 
the post by a coup cle main. The enemy having in- 
telligence of their approach, detached a body of 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 335 

troops sufficient completely to surround them. A chap. 
severe action commenced, which, for three hours, XI * 
the English with great spirit maintained against so 17JS 
great a superiority of numbers. But finally they 
were overpowered, obliged to give way, and retreat- 
ed with disorder to Lyal Henning. About three 
hundred men were killed and taken. Among 
the latter was major Grant and nineteen other offi- 
cers who were carried prisoners to fort du Quesne. 

This severe check made no alteration in the reso- 
lution of general Forbes. He still advanced with 
the same persevering firmness and circumspection, 
which had marked his whole conduct. The enemy- 
finding that it was impossible to surprise and defeat 
him, on his march ; and that their numbers were in- 
sufficient to defend the fort against him ; on the 
twenty fourth of November, after destroying their DLlQuesne 
works, abandoned them to the general. His light taken, 
troops took possession, the following evening. The Nov ' 24; 
next day, the general arrived with the whole army, 
and the British flag was once more erected at fort du 
Quesne. The French made their escape down the 
river, partly in boats and partly by land, to their forts 
and settlements on the Missisippi. 

General Forbes repaired the fort, and changed the 
name to Pittsburg. Having concluded treaties of 
friendship and alliance with the Indian nations, in- 
habiting that extensive and fine country, and appar- 
ently reconciled them to the English government, he 
committed the care of the fort to a garrison of pro- 
vincials, and took his departure for Philadelphia. On 
his return he erected some small fortresses, at Lyal 
Henning, for the defence of the western frontiers of 
Pennsylvania. * The incredible fatigues of this cam- Dea th of 
paign, so broke the constitution of this vigilant and general 
brave commander, that he returned to Philadelphia Forbes ' 
in a very enfeebled state, where, after languishing a 
short time, he died universally lamented. 

* Rider's Hist. vol. xliii. p. 143,145. Wright's Hist. vol. i. p. 125, 126. 

Vol. I. 49 



386 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. When general Amherst arrived at the lake the 
season was so far advanced, and he found so large a 
1758# detachment drawn from the army under colonel 
Bradstreet, that he judged it not advisable to make 
an) 1 further attempts against the enemy, during that 
campaign. 

Notwithstanding the defeat at Ticonderoga, the 
campaign closed with great honour and advantage to 
the colonies, and to the nation in general. In .Ins 
fourth year, after the commencement of hostilities, 
the English had not only reduced Louisburg, St. 
John's, and Frontenac ; but they had made themselves 
the undisturbed possessors of that fine tract of coun- 
try, the contention for which, had been the principal 
occasion of kindling up the flames of a war so gen- 
eral and destructive. Success had attended the Brit- 
ish arms not only in this, but in almost all quarters 
of the globe. The successes in America, besides 
many other important advantages, paved the way for 
that series of successful events, which terminated in 
the entire reduction of Canada. 
Treaty Another favourable occurrence of this year, which 

with the t -without its influence in that great event, 

Indians, . *-* . 

Oct. 8. ' was a general treaty and pacification with the Indian 
nations inhabiting between the Appalachian moun- 
tains and the lakes. A grand assembly for this pur- 
pose met at Easton, about ninety miles from Phila- 
delphia. The managers of the treaty, on the part of 
Great Britain and the colonies, were the governours 
of Pennsylvania and New Jersey, Sir William John- 
son, deputy for Indian affairs, four members of the 
council of Pennsylvania, six members of the assem- 
bly, and two agents for the province of New Jersey. 
They were attended by a great number of planters 
and citizens of Philadelphia. They were met by 
the deputies and chiefs of the Mohawks, Oneidoes, 
Onondagoes, Cayugas, Senacas, Tuscaroras, Nanti- 
coques, and Conays, the Tuteloes, Chugnuts, Dela- 
wares, Unamies, Minisinks, Mohicons, and Wap- 
pingers. The whole number, including the women 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 387 

and children, amounted to more than five hundred, chap. 
On the eighth of October the conferences were 
opened. The Six Nations complained that some of ir58 
their nations had been killed by the English, that 
others had been captivated and imprisoned in time 
of profound peace. The Delawares and Minisinks 
complained, that the English had encroached on their 
lands, and driven them from their hunting grounds ; 
and they respectively declared, that these were the 
things which had imbittered their hearts and provok- 
ed them to hostilities. The objects, particularly in 
view of the English governours, at this congress, 
were to ascertain the boundaries of the lands in 
dispute ; to reconcile the Six Nations with their 
nephews, the Delawares ; to remove every cause of 
misunderstanding between the English and Indians, 
detach them from the French interest ; establish a 
firm peace ; and to induce these nations to use all 
their influence, to persuade the Twightwees, who 
would not come to the general congress, to accede 
to the treaty now made with themselves. The con- 
ferences continued till the twenty sixth of the month. 
Governour Denny made satisfaction for the lands to 
which the Indians laid claim, by the payment of a 
thousand dollars. ( 

All former treaties were confirmed, and lasting 
peace and friendship stipulated. The Indians were 
presented with a considerable quantity of goods, and, 
to gladden their hearts, the business was finished by 
an ample treat. The Indians the next day departed Oct. 27. 
in peace.* 

This treaty with the Indians, had a happy influ- 
ence, in facilitating the operations against Canada 
the next year. 

In review of the events of the present, and of past 
years, it appears very remarkable, that under the old 
ministry and their general officers, nothing but loss, 
disappointment, and shame attended every enterprise. 

* Rider's Hist, vol, xlv. p. 55, 65. 



388 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. Not one general officer, originally of their appoint- 
ment, in America, ever achieved any thing manly 
ljr 58 or honourable ; but hesitation, delay, and disappoint- 
ment attended all their measures. On the contrary, 
under the new, and the generals originally of their 
appointment, every enterprise was crowned with suc- 
cess. A series of the most important and brilliant 
successes, from every quarter, like a steady, all- 
cheering stream, flowed in upon the nation. 



CHAPTER XII. 

Plan of the campaign, 1759. Expeditions against Ticonderoga and 
Crown Point, Niagara, and Quebec. Ticonderoga and Crown Point 
abandoned. Niagara taken. Siege of Quebec. Action at the falls 
of Montmorenci. The camp removes to point Levi. The troops 
land above the town. Battle of Quebec. Generals Wolfe and Mont- 
calm killed. Quebec surrenders. Movements of general Amherst 
on lake Champlain. 

1 HE successes of the last campaign opened the way 
to the very heart of Canada. The belligerent powers, 
in Europe, maintained the same hostile dispositions, 
Plan of which operated the last year. The British minis* 
° P i759° n tr y> tnere f° re > determined to improve the advantages, 
which they had gained in America ; and, if possible, 
the next campaign, to reduce the whole country of 
Canada. For this purpose, it was determined to at- 
tack all the strong posts of the enemy, nearly at the 
same time. As soon as the river St. Lawrence should 
be clear of ice, it was determined that general Wolfe, 
who had so distinguished himself at the reduction of 
Louisburg, should, with eight thousand men and a 
strong squadron of ships, proceed to the siege of 
Quebec, the capital of Canada. At the same time 
general Amherst, who had the chief command, with 
an army of twelve thousand regulars and provincials, 
was to attack Ticonderoga and Crown Point. Hav- 
ing reduced these posts, and formed a sufficient na- 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 389 

val force on lake Champlain, he was to advance, by chap. 
the river Sorel, into St. Lawrence, and form a junc- 
tion with general Wolfe at Quebec. A third expe- 1759> 
dition was to be directed against the fort at Niagara, 
under the command of brigadier general Prideaux. Sir 
William Johnson commanded the New York provin- 
cials, and the Indians of the Five Nations, who serv- 
ed in this expedition. By so many different attacks, 
it was designed, as much as possible, to divide and 
distract the enemy, and prevent their making an ef- 
fectual defence at any place. It was hoped, that if 
general Prideaux should be so fortunate, as to make 
himself master of Niagara, early in the season, that, 
embarking on lake Ontario, he would fall down the 
river St. Lawrence, and reduce the town of Mon- 
treal. Then it was hoped, that the three armies, form- 
ing a junction, would complete the conquest of the 
whole country. 

To facilitate these grand operations colonel Stan- 
wix had the command of a small detachment, for the 
reduction of small posts, and for scouring the banks 
of lake Ontario. 

The army under general Amherst was first in mo- Expedi- 
tion. In July he passed lake George; and, with- tl0 : n ■" 
out opposition, conducted his army to Ticonderoga. conderoga 
On his approach the enemy abandoned their lines, andcrown 
which had proved so fatal to the English, the preced- 
ing year; and the general broke ground just within 
their formidable breast-work. At first the enemy 
made appearances of a determined defence ; but, in 
the night of the 27th of July, they blew up their mag- Ticonde ■ 
azine, and precipitately retired to Crown Point. Here ^p*^ 
their stay was but short ; for, on the first of August, evacuat- 
they suddenly evacuated this post, and retired to the ed - 
isle of Aux Noix. The light rangers were detach- 
ed immediately to take possession. On the fourth, 
the general arrived with the army. 

The French were yet formidable on the lake. 
They had four large vessels, mounted with cannon, 
and manned with the piquets of several regiments, 



>9-0 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 
XII. 



These were commanded by Monsieur le Bras, a cap- 
tain in the French navy, assisted by a number of 
1759. nava } officers. The enemy, at the isle Aux Noix, 
consisted of three thousand five hundred effective 
men, strongly encamped with a numerous artillery. 
The French commander, Monsieur de Bourlemaque, 
flattered himself, that he should be able to prevent 
the passage of the English army into Canada. 

General Amherst could not proceed till he should 
have a superior force on the lake. Captain Loring, 
who superintended the building of vessels at Ticon- 
deroga, was therefore ordered, with the utmost des- 
patch, to build a sloop of sixteen guns, and a radeau, 
eighty four feet in length, and twenty in breadth, to 
carry six twenty four pounders. While these were 
constructing, the army were employed in repairing 
the fortifications at Ticonderoga, and in laying the 
foundations of a strong and regular fort at Crown 
Point, for the security of his majesty's dominions in 
that part of the country. Particularly it was design- 
ed to guard against the incursions of the scalping 
and burning parties, which in former wars had been 
so destructive to the frontiers of the northern colonies. 
uSTa-* While the army under general Amherst were thus 
gainst Ni- employed, general Prideaux, reinforced by the Indian 
agara. auxiliaries under Sir William Johnson, advanced to 
Niagara, without loss or opposition. He arrived 
before the fort about the middle of July, and imme- 
diately invested it on all sides. The trenches were 
soon opened, and the siege was prosecuted with 
General great vigour. But on the twentieth, the general 
kined^ UX was billed in the trenches, by the unfortunate burst- 
July 20. ing of a cohorn. This affected the army with uni- 
versal sorrow, and threatened to check the vigour 
of its operations. No sooner was general Amherst 
acquainted with this misfortune, than he despatched 
brigadier general Gage, to assume the command. 
Meanwhile it devolved on Sir William Johnson. He 
vigorously pursued the measures of the late general, 
with every addition, which his own genius could 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 391 

suggest. He was popular both with the provincial chap. 
and regular troops, and almost adored by the Indians. 
The siege was therefore pushed with such united 1759 
ardour and alacrity, that in about four days after the 
death of general Prideaux, the approaches were made 
within a hundred yards of the covered way. 

The French alarmed with the danger of this im- 
portant post, determined to hazard a battle for its 
preservation. Collecting all the regular and provin- 
cial troops, which they could draw from their sever- 
al posts, in the vicinity of the lakes, in conjunction 
with a large body of Indians, amounting in the whole 
to seventeen hundred men, they advanced to attack 
the English and raise the siege. General Johnson, 
apprised of their design, ordered his light infantry, 
supported by a body of grenadiers and other regulars, 
to take post on his left, upon the road where the 
French were making their approach. His flanks 
were covered by large bodies of his Indians. At Battle of 
the same time, he posted a strong body of troops, to Niagara* 
secure his trenches from the attempts of the garrison, y ' 
during the engagement. At nine in the morning, 
the action commenced with great fury, with a wild 
and horrible scream of the enemy's Indians. This 
yell is truly the most fierce and terrible, which can 
be imagined. It threw general Braddock's, and has 
thrown other troops, into the utmost confusion. 
But, at this time, it had no ill effect. The enemy Enemy 
were so well received in front, and so galled by the defeated, 

3.11(1 N"l3.1T- 

general's Indians on their flanks, that, in less than an ara taker. 
hour, their whole army was ruined. For five miles the 
pursuit was hot and bloody. Monsieur d'Anbry, 
commander in chief, and sixteen other officers were 
made prisoners.* 

As the battle was fought in sight of the fort, and 
the hopes of the enemy were now ruined, they im- 
mediately surrendered themselves prisoners of war. 
The garrison, consisting of more than six hundred 

* General Johnson's letter to general Amherst, July 25, 1759 



392 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, men, were conducted to New York and New Ens'- 
land. The women and children were sent to Mon- 

1759. treaL * 

The services, which general Johnson rendered his 
country, were singular and important. In the com- 
* pass of four years, he was twice honoured with the 
chief command. In both instances, he fought a gen- 
eral battle, and obtained a complete victory. Both 
victories were signalized by the capture of the chief 
commander of the enemy. The consequence of the 
latter was the reduction of one of the most import- 
ant posts of the enemy, by which he cut off all com- 
munication between Canada and Louisiana. Through 
his influence many Indians were brought into the 
field, when he first had the command. This year 
he led out not less than eleven hundred. Though 
he was not bred to arms, yet, it was allowed, that no 
general could have made better dispositions for the 
battle, or conducted the siege with a more cool and 
determined resolution. The force of innate courage 
and natural sagacity, seems to have formed him an 
accomplished general. 

The taking of Ticonderoga and Crown Point, 
with the reduction of Niagara, were a defalcation of 
Expcdi- capital members, but the expedition against Quebec 
tion a- was a blow at the heart of the enemy. This was the 
Quebec, great central operation, to which all the other suc- 
cesses, however illustrious, had only a remote ten- 
dency. While this stood in its glory, nothing deci- 
sive was accomplished. The reduction of this was 
considered not only as the greatest object, but as, 
by far, the most difficult to be accomplished. The 
most accomplished officers were chosen for this ar- 
duous enterprise. Under general Wolfe, that great 
military genius, served brigadiers Monckton, Town- 
shend,- and Murray. They were all three the sons 
of noblemen. The four generals were all in the flow- 
er and fire of youth. They were students in the arts 

* Rider's Hist. vol. xlv. p. 78. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 39.3 

of war ; and though young in years, yet old in ex- chap. 
perience. The fleet was commanded by admirals xn * 
Saunders, Holmes, and Durel, officers of worth and 1759 
probity, who, on several occasions, had distinguished 
themselves in the service of their country. 

On the twenty seventh of April, admiral Saunders 
came on the coast, within sight of Louisburg ; but the 
harbour was so blocked up with ice that he was 
obliged to bear away for Halifax. Thence he detach- 
ed rear admiral Durel, with a squadron, to the isle 
de Condres, in the river St. Lawrence, to intercept 
all supplies from France to Quebec. He took sev- 
eral store ships; but unhappily, seventeen sail of 
ships with stores, provisions, and recruits, from 
France, under convoy of three frigates, got into the 
river before him, and arrived safe at the capital of 
Canada. 

As soon as the season would permit, admiral 
Saunders, with an army of eight thousand men, sailed 
up the river, for Quebec. After a safe and easy Arma- 
passage the troops were disembarked on the isle of ™ ent ap " 
Orleans.* This island is about twenty miles in tiuTisie of 
length, and seventeen or eighteen in breadth. It is ° lle ans, 
fertile, highly cultivated, and abounds in people, vil- e 
lages, and plantations, affording every kind of refresh- 
ment. It was necessary to take possession of this 
island, not only for the convenience and refreshment 
of the army, but to act against Quebec, as the west 
point of it extends up to its very bason. Opposite 
to this is a high point of land, called Point Levi. 
The possession of both these points were of essential 
importance, as they might be advantageously employ- 
ed against the town, and if in possession of the ene- 
my, they could make it impossible, for any ship to 
lie within the bason of Quebec, or for the army to 
carry on any effectual operations against the town. 

General Wolfe having taken possession of these pescrip. 
points, the harbour and town of Quebec, and the Quebec. 

* Rider's Hist. vol. xlv. p. 81, 87. 

Vol. I. 50 



394 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, situation of the enemy came into view ; and, at once, 

XIL presented him with the almost insuperable difficul- 

1759 tl€s which he had to encounter. Nature seems to 

have consulted the defence of no place more than that 

of Quebec. Charlevoix in his description of it says ? 

itsnatu No other city besides this, in the known world, can 

ral boast of a fresh water harbour a hundred and twenty 

atrengt . j ea g Ues f rom t h e sea> an d tliat capable of containing 

a hundred ships of the line. It certainly stands on 
the most navigable river in the universe. At the 
distance of a hundred and ten or twelve leagues from 
the sea, it is never less than four or five leagues in 
breadth. But above the island of Orleans it sudden- 
ly narrows, and that at such a rate as to be no more 
than a mile broad at Quebec ; from which circum- 
stance this place has been called Quebio or Quebec, 
which, in the Algonquin language, signifies a strait 
or narrowing. When Samuel Champlain founded 
this city, in sixteen hundred eight, the tide usually 
rose to the foot of the rock. Since that time the 
river has retired by little and little, and has at last, 
left dry a large piece of ground on which the lower 
town has since been built, and which is now suffi- 
ciently elevated above the water's edge, to secure 
the inhabitants against the inundations of the river.* 
The ascent from the lower to the upper town, is so 
steep, that it cannot be ascended, only by steps which 
for that purpose have been cut in the rock, on which 
the upper town stands. This lofty rock extends it- 
self, and continues with a bold and steep front west- 
ward along the river St. Lawrence for a considerable 
way, forming above the town the heights of Abraham. 
From the northwest comes the river called St. Charles, 
and falls into the St. Lawrence, washing the foot of 
the rock, on which the city is built. By the junc- 
tion of these rivers the point on which it stands, is a 
kind of peninsula. There was no way therefore, to 
approach the town, but either to cross the river St. 

* Charlevoix Journal, &.c. vol. i. p. 90, 100, 102. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 395 

Charles, and attempt it on that side, or to go above chap. 
the town and overcome the precipice formed by the 
rock. The town was not only thus defended by 175 <> 
nature, but it was strongly fortified by art- It was 
protected by ten thousand men, under that able, and 
as yet fortunate commander, the marquis de Mont- 
calm. He had strongly posted his army on that 
which was deemed the only accessible side of Que- 
bec, all along from the river St. Charles to Montmo- 
renci. At every spot, where an attack could be made, 
were strong intrenchments. In front was the river, 
and a sand bank of great extent ; and the rear of the 
enemy was covered with a thick, impenetrable wood> 

When general Wolfe saw the situation of the town, 
the nature of the country, the numbers and strong 
position of the enemy, though sanguine and adven- 
turous, yet he began, in a measure, to despair of the 
success of the enterprise. Nevertheless the keen 
sense which he had, of the expectations of his coun- 
try, his desires to answer them, and his thirst for 
glory, bore him above all considerations of difficulty 
or danger. He determined to leave nothing unat- 
tempted, which might be for the public service. 

Batteries were immediately erected on the west 
point of the island of Orleans, and on Point Levi, 
whence a continual and destructive fire was poured 
upon the lower town. To co-operate in the best 
manner with the army, admiral Saunders took his 
station below the north channel of the island of Or- 
leans, opposite to Montmorenci. To distract the 
attention of the enemy, and prevent any attempt on 
the batteries, which played on the town, admiral 
Holmes passed it, and took his station above. When 
this disposition was made, the general ordered the 
troops to be transported over the north channel of 
St. Lawrence to the northeast of Montmorenci. His 
view in this, was to cross that river, and to bring the 
enemy to a general engagement. To effect this was 
his grand object. He foresaw, that an assault on the 
city would prove ineffectual, while the shipping could 



S96 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. on iy batter and destroy the lower town. In this they 

must greatly suffer, from the cannon and bombs of 

1759 the upper. When the reduction of the lower should 
be effected, the passages to the other were so steep 
and so effectually entrenched, that even this advan- 
tage would contribute little to the reduction of the 
place. Several eminences, which commanded the 
enemy's entrenchments, a ford above, and another 
below, the falls, induced him to take this new posi- 
tion, and encouraged him to make an attack from 
this quarter. But on a nearer view, and more thor- 
ough examination of the ground, the opposite shore 
was found so steep and woody, and so well entrench- 
ed, that it baffled all his hopes, of carrying what he 
at first designed into execution. This was to force 
the enemy from their present position, by an attack 
on their left, which he apprehended to be less disad- 
vantageous than one directly on their entrenchments. 
But their advantageous situation caused him to adopt 
different measures. Troops were detached above 
July 18. the town, and every appearance made, of a designed 
attack upon it, on that side. The general passed the 
town himself, and accurately surveyed the shore and 
banks of the river above. But on this side he found 
extreme difficulties from the nature of the ground ; 
and these were increased by the precaution of the 
French general. He knew them so well, that he 
trusted in them for defence, on that side of the town. 
At the same time, he was too well apprised of the 
importance of the post, which he had chosen, to be 
drawn from it by any arts of the English general. 
He kept close in his lines. He had a numerous 
body of savages, and took care to make such a dis- 
position of them, as to render any attempt on him, 
by surprise, absolutely impossible. 

Meanwhile the shipping was exposed to the ut- 
most danger, by the enemy's ships and rafts of fire, 
by which they had made repeated attempts for its 
destruction. By the vigilance of admiral Saunders 
and the intrepidity of the seamen, under the smiles 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 397 

©f Providence, it had more than once been saved chap. 

from the most threatening danger. The seamen 

boarded these floating castles of fire, and towed them 175 9. 
ashore, where they spent their fury without the least 
injury to the British squadron. Beside the constant 
danger of the fleet, the time for action was wearing 
away, and the season, in addition to all other diffi- 
culties, would soon fight for the enemy, and necessi- 
tate the fleet and army to retire. The general, 
therefore, came to the resolution of attacking the en- 
emy in their entrenchments. 

The attack was made at the mouth of the river Attack at 
Montmorenci. To facilitate this hazardous enter- Mon . tmo " 
prise, great quantities of artillery were placed upon j u i y 31. 
the eminence, to batter and enfilade the enemy's in- 
trenchments. The admiral placed the Centurion in 
the channel, to check the fire of the enemy's battery, 
which commanded the ford. Two flat bottomed 
vessels were armed, and run on shore, to batter an 
advanced redoubt. At the proper time of tide, and 
when the enemy's left appeared to be thrown into 
some confusion, by the fire of the batteries and ship- 
ping, the signal was given for the troops to move 
and begin the attack. The dispositions were excel- 
lently made and the place of the attack was chosen 
with great judgment, as it was the only place in which 
the artillery could be brought into use, and in which 
most of the troops could be brought to act at once. 
But here little accidents, which often dash human 
councils, and demonstrate a Ruler higher than man, 
totally defeated the design. 

Many of the boats, from Point Levi, ran aground 
upon a ledge, which projects itself a considerable 
distance from the shore. This was an occasion of 
some disorder and of so much loss of time, that the 
general was obliged to stop the march of brigadier 
Townshend's corps, after it began to advance. Af- 
ter some delay, the boats were floated, and though 
exposed to a severe fire of shot and shells, ranged in 
proper order. General Wolfe, in person, sounded 



398 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 
XII. 

1759. 



Defeat at 
Montrao- 
renci. 



the shore, and directed the spot, where the troops 
should land. Thirteen companies of grenadiers 
landed with two hundred of the second American 
battalion. They had orders immediately to form in 
four distinct columns, and, supported by brigadier 
Monckton's corps, as soon as the other troops should 
have passed the ford, for their assistance, instantly to 
advance to the charge. But the grenadiers, without 
forming, and before Monckton's corps was landed, 
in confusion, impetuously rushed on towards the en- 
emy's intrenchments. But here their courage serv- 
ed only to increase their misfortune. They were met 
with such a steady and tremendous fire from the 
enemy, that they could not stand the shock of their 
repeated vollies ; but were obliged to take shelter 
behind a redoubt, which, on their approach, the en- 
emy had abandoned. The general, perceiving that 
they could not form under so heavy a fire, ordered 
them to retreat and form behind Monckton's corps, 
which, by this time, was drawn up in excellent or- 
der on the beach. This unhappy circumstance had 
occasioned new delay ; the day was far spent, the tide 
began to make, and the wind to blow with uncom- 
mon violence. 

In these circumstances the general foreseeing, that 
in case of a second repulse, the retreat of the army 
would become hazardous and uncertain, gave up 
the attempt, and repassed the river without molesta- 
tion.* But in this unfortunate attack more than five 
hundred men and many brave officers were lost.-j- 

Immediately after this severe check, brigadier 
Murray was detached, with twelve hundred men, in 
transports, to co-operate with admiral Holmes above 
the town. It was designed to make an attempt to 
destroy the enemy's shipping. The brigadier was 
also instructed, to sieze every opportunity of fight- 
ing the detachments of the enemy, and of provoking 
them to battle. He made a descent at Chambaud 



♦ General Wolfe's Letter to Mr. Pitt, f R-idei's Hist. vol. xlv.p.94 3 95- 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 399 

and burned a considerable magazine, filled with arms, c "^ p * 

clothing, provisions, and ammunition. But the ships 

were moored in such a manner, that their destruc- 1759; 
tion was found to be impracticable. As no other 
service presented, above the town, general Murray 
returned to the camp. 

The season was now far advanced, but nothing 
decisive had been accomplished. Though the news 
of the successes of generals Amherst and Johnson, 
had reached the army before Quebec, yet all hopes 
of any assistance from them were now entirely dash- 
ed General Wolfe, consumed with the care, watch- 
ing, and fatigue, with which, for so long a time, he 
had been 'exercised, and chagrined whh disappoint- 
ment, fell violently sick. His body was unequal to 
that vigorous and enterprising soul which it possess- 
ed. He well knew, that no military conduct could 
shine, which was not gilded with success. It could 
by no means satisfy his great mind, to return from an 
expedition so interesting to his country, barely with- 
out censure ; he aspired to the zenith of glory. His 
high notion of honour, the national expectation, the 
success of other generals, all turning in upon him, 
oppressed his spirits, and converted disappointment 
into disease. When he had a little recovered from sept. 5. 
the shock, he despatched an express to the ministry 
with an account of what had passed, and of the diffi- 
culties which he had to encounter. He wrote in the 
style of despondency, but at the same time promised, 
that the small part of the campaign which remained, 
should, to the utmost of his capacity, be employed 
for the honour of his majesty and the interest of the 
nation. 

Before this express was sent off, it was determined 
to move the army above the town, and, if possible, 
to bring the enemy to a general action. The camp 
at Montmorenci was soon broken up, the troops and 
artillery re-embarked, and landed at Point Levi. The 
troops soon passed up the river in transports ; and 
while admiral Holmes for several days successively, 



400 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, made movements up the river, to amuse the enemy, 
on the north shore, and draw their attention as far as 
1759. possible from the city, one half of them were landed 
for refreshment on the other side. These move- 
ments had no other effect, than to produce a. detach- 
ment of fifteen hundred men, from the main camp, 
under the command of Monsieur Bougainville, to 
proceed along shore, and watch the motions of the 
English fleet and army. The general, therefore, 
came finally to the resolution of landing his troops, 
in the night, within a league of Cape Dimond, and to 
ascend the heights of Abraham. These rise abrupt- 
ly with a steep ascent from the banks of the river, 
and, once gained, would give the army possession of 
the ground on the back side of the city, where it 
was least defensible, and would enable the fleet and 
army to attack the upper and lower town in concert. 
Such however were the difficulties and dangers, 
attending the execution of this design, that it. could 
scarcely have been adopted, but by a spirit of enter- 
prise, bordering on despair. The stream was rapid, 
the shore shelving, the bank of the river lined with 
centinels, the landing place so narrow as easily to be 
missed in the dark ; and the ground so difficult to 
be surmounted, as hardly to be effected, in open day, 
should no opposition be made. Should a spy or 
deserter give the least intimation of the design, or 
should it be suspected by the enemy : should the 
embarkation be disordered, through the darkness of 
the night, or difficulty of the shore, the landing place 
mistaken, or the centinels alarmed, the heights of 
Abraham would instantly be lined with such num- 
bers of troops, as would render the attempt abortive. 
Any one of these things might have occasioned a de- 
feat. Though these difficulties could not escape the 
penetration of the gallant general, yet, he adopted the 
plan without hesitation, and executed it in person. 
A divine superintendency so remarkably watched 
over it, that it succeeded to his wishes. When ev- 
ery thing was ripe for execution, admiral Saunders 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 4Q1 

was ordered to make a feint, .with his ships, as if he chap. 
designed to attack the enemy in their intrenchments, 
on the Beauport shore, and by his motions to give it ]759# 
all possible appearances of reality. The troops em- 
barked in boats and on board the transports, and to 
cover the design proceeded eight or nine miles up 
the river, above the place where they designed to 
land. Under the cover of night the boats fell silent- 
ly down the river, with the tide, and were not dis- 
covered by the sentinels. On the morning of the 
thirteenth of September, an hour before day the 
troops landed on the north shore directly against the 
heights of Abraham. Admiral Holmes sailing down 
the river, arrived just in season to assist and protect 
the landing of the troops. When they had gained 
the shore, the precipice before them was exceeding- 
ly steep and high, and they were not able to climb 
it, but by laying hold on stumps and boughs of 
trees, and pulling themselves up by them. A little 
path, so narrow that two could not go abreast, wound 
itself up the ascent, and even this was intrenched 
and defended by a captain's guard. With admira- 
ble courage and activity, did the light infantry and 
Highlanders mount the craggy steep, dislodge the 
captain's guard, and open the way for the other troops 
to gain the summit. By about the breaking of the 
day the troops were up, and formed in good order.* 

No sooner was the marquis de Montcalm inform- Battle of 
ed that the English had gained the heights of Abra- Quebec, 
ham, than he marched, with his whole force, from ep ' 
the Beauport side, to give them battle. He filled 
the bushes in his front with his Indians and best 
marksmen, amounting to not less than fifteen hun- 
dred. His regulars formed his left, the right was 
composed of the troops of the colony, supported by 
two regular battalions. The rest of the Canadians 
and Indians he extended on his right, with a view to 
out-flank the left wing of the English. General 

* Wright's Hist, vol. i. p. 210. 

Vol. I. 51 



402 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. Wolfe, instantly penetrating his design, detached 
brigadier Townshend with the regiment of Amherst, 
1759 which was afterwards reinforced, with two battalions 
of royal Americans. He formed the left in the man- 
ner, which military men term, en polejis, presenting a 
double front. The right of the army was covered 
by the Louisburg grenadiers. Otway's were after- 
wards brought to their right. On their left were 
Brag's, Kennedy's, Lascelles' Highlanders, and As- 
truther's regiments. Colonel Howe's light infantry 
protected the rear and the left. Webb's was drawn 
up as a reserve, in eight subdivisions with large in- 
tervals.* Such were the dispositions on both sides, 
as at once evinced the penetration and judgment of 
the respective commanders. The French had two 
pieces of artillery, the English had only time to bring 
up one. About nine o'clock the enemy in good or- 
der advanced to the charge. Their attack was brisk 
and animated. Though their irregulars kept up a 
galling fire upon the whole line of the English, yet 
they bore it with patience, reserving their fire, till 
the enemy's main body had advanced within forty 
yards, when they poured in upon them a terrible dis- 
charge, which took effect in its whole extent. The 
lire was maintained with the same steadiness and 
vigour, with which it commenced, till the enemy 
were obliged every where to give way. As general 
Wolfe stood conspicuous in the front of the line, he 
was aimed at by the enemy's marksmen. Receiv- 
ing a shot in his wrist he wrapped it in his handker- 
chief, and continued giving his orders with the ut- 
most coolness ; but just as the fortune of the day 
began to declare itself, advancing at the head of 
Brag's and the Louisburg grenadiers, he received a, 
ball in his breast and fell in the arms of victory, f 
Immediately fell general Monckton, the next in com- 
mand, and were both conveyed out of the line. In 
this critical state of the action the command devolved 

* General Townshend's Letter to Mr, Secretary Pitt, 
t Rider's Hist. vol. slv. p. 1U4. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 403 

on general Tovvnshend. He had the srood fortune chap. 
to preserve the spirit of the troops, and to push the 
advantages already gained to a complete victory. ir59 
Every corps seemed to exert itself with a view to 
the honour of its own particular character. While 
the grenadiers, on the right, pressed on with their 
bayonets, general Murray with his corps, advancing 
with a heavy and destructive fire, broke the centre 
of the enemy, and the Highlanders falling impetuous- 
ly on them, with their broad swords, hewed them 
down with terrible slaughter. The troops pushed 
them to the very walls of the town, killed them up- 
on the glacis and in the ditch ; and had not the town 
been too near, the whole French army must have 
been destroyed.* 

No sooner had the English won the field, than a 
fresh enemy appeared, threatening another engage- 
ment, and to put all again, to the hazard. Monsieur 
Bougainville who had been drawn up the river by 
the movements of the English, with a corps of two 
thousand men, from Cape Rogue, appeared in their 
rear. But as the main body had been entirely de- 
feated, general Townshend was able to establish his 
rear, and to turn such an opposition on that side, that 
the enemy, after some feeble attempts, were obliged 
to retire. 

In this memorable battle, six general officers fell ; Loss in 
the two first in command in the English, and four the battle - 
in the opposite army. The loss of the English was 
five, and that of the French fifteen hundred men. 
The fall of general Wolfe, amiable in his personal 
character, and one of the greatest military geniuses 
of his age, was a capital loss to the nation, and damp- 
ed the joy of this signal victory. When struggling 
with the agonies of grievous wounds, he seemed on- 
ly anxious for the success of the action and the good 
of his country. When unable to stand, he begged 
his attendants to support him, that he might once 

* Admiral Saunders' Letter to the Right Honourable Mr. Secreta- 
ry Pitt. 



404 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

i 

chap, more view the field ; but finding that his eyes were 
dimmed by the approach of death, he eagerl} asked 
1759 an officer what he saw ? He answered, *' the enemy 
run, they are totally defeated." Then said the he- 
ro, " I thank God, I am contented," and almost in- 
stantly expired. 

The marquis de Montcalm was carried from the 
field mortally wounded to the city, and lived just 
long enough to recommend his wounded and capti- 
vated countrymen to the compassion of the English 
general. It must be granted that he was an officer 
of distinguished ability, and that from the commence- 
ment of the war, he had rendered the highest services 
to his country. In the last scenes of life he had well 
supported his character, having made the best dispo- 
sitions which human prudence could suggest, both 
before and during the engagement. In every pre- 
ceding enterprise, he had been successful; and it is 
not certain, that he would not have been so in the 
defence of Quebec, had he been left to pursue his 
own opinions. It has been said, that he was not for 
hazarding a general action ; but that his opinion was 
overruled by Monsieur de Ramsay, governour of 
Quebec. 

General Monckton, who was shot through his 
right breast, recovered ; but the second in command 
in the opposite army was left wounded on the field, 
and died the next day, on board the English fleet. 
The third and fourth in command were killed.* 

Immediately after the battle, admiral Saunders 
sent up all the boats in the fleet with artillery, am- 
munition, and whatever should be necessary, for the 
assistance of general Townshend, in besieging and 
attacking the town. But as the enemy were still 
more numerous than the English, it was judged 
expedient to fortify the camp, before they attempted 
completely to invest the town. A considerable time, 
after the utmost exertion, was spent in this ; in 

* Rider's Hist. vol. xlv. p. 106. Admiral Saunders' Letter in 
Wright's Hist. vol. i. p. 219. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,. 405 

clearing a road, in getting the cannon up the preci- chap. 

pice, and in making the dispositions necessary to "_ 

cut off the communication between the city and 1759> 
country. 

On the seventeenth, the admiral went up with the 
fleet, in a disposition, with his whole force, to attack 
the lower, as soon as the general should be ready to 
attack the upper, town. As the city was now com- 
pletely invested, and every thing put on the appear- 
ance of a vigorous siege, or of an immediate attack, 
the enemy demanded a capitulation. On the eigh- Capituia. 
teenth the city of Quebec was surrendered, on terms q""^ 
honourable for the garrison, and advantageous for sept. is. 
the inhabitants. The ganison was allowed the hon- 
ours of war ; and the inhabitants were to be secured 
in their persons and effects, in the exercise of their 
religion, and enjoyment of their civil rights, till a 
general pacification should determine their future 
condition. 

Various reasons united their influence, in procur- 
ing these favourable terms for the enemy. The sea- 
son was so far advanced, as to become cold and 
stormy, unhealthy for the troops, and hazardous for 
the fleet. The enemy continued to assemble in force, 
in the rear of the British army ; and though the lower 
town was in a manner destroyed, and the upper 
much damaged, yet the walls were in a state of de- 
fence, and it was judged a very considerable advan- 
tage to take possession of the city in this condition. 
What rendered the capitulation at this time more 
signally fortunate and providential was, that Monsieur 
Levi had arrived from Montreal with two battalions, 
to reinforce the enemy, who were rallying behind 
Cape Rogue ; and Monsieur Bougainville, at the 
head of eight hundred men, with a convoy of pro- 
visions was on his march with a view of throwing' 
himself into the town, the very morning on which it 
was surrendered. 

A garrison of five thousand regulars, with a con- 
siderable number of light troops were left in the 



# 



40G A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, town, under the command of general Murray ; with 
a plentiful supply of provisions, ammunition, and 
1759. warlike stores, for the winter. The fleet soon sailed 
for England, and about a thousand French officers, 
soldiers and seamen were embarked on board a 
number of English cats and sent to France. 

Thus, after a severe campaign, of nearly three 
months, fell the capital of the French settlements in 
America. If considered in all its circumstances, 
perhaps there never was an enterprise, attended with 
so many difficulties, managed with a more gallant 
perseverance, nor accomplished with more vigour 
and ability. A city strong in its situation, and 
strong in fortifications, was to be attacked ; an army 
greatly superior in number to the besiegers, posted 
under its walls, in an impregnable situation, against 
the inclinations of a cautious commander, was to be 
forced to a general action ; a theatre of more than 
live leagues was to be filled, and operations of this 
extent to be carried on, under the eye of a superior 
army, by about seven or eight thousand men. In 
this contest even with nature, as well as art, general 
Wolfe shewed himself superior to every difficulty. 
All the dispositions for that daring, but judicious at- 
tempt, which divided the force of the enemy, drew 
Montcalm from his intrenchments, and effected the 
capture of Quebec, were so many masterly strokes in 
the art of war. 

The perfect harmony and united exertion of the 
whole fleet and army, through such a tedious cam- 
paign, had a capital influence in this grand event. In 
this all good men will discern a divine superinten- 
dency. How conspicuous was this, in combining so 
many favourable circumstances, as were necessary, 
for gaining the heights of Abraham ? And, in pre- 
venting those numerous incidents, by which it might 
have been defeated, and against which no human 
foresight could have made effectual provision ? 

When the news of the surrender of Quebec arriv- 
ed in England, it is hardly possible to describe the 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 407 

various and mixed emotions, which instantly pervad- chap. 
ed the nation. But two days before, the minis- 
try had received the despatches of general Wolfe, 1759 
after the check at Montmorenci. As the general 
appeared then to doubt, the public judged they had 
reason to despair. But in the midst of this general 
despondency, a second express arriving, at once 
announced the victory and capture of Quebec, with 
the death of general Wolfe. The effects of news so 
joyful, immediately on a state of general dejection, 
and that mixture of pity and grief which attended 
the public applauses and congratulations were singu- 
lar, and uncommonly affecting. 

While these events were taking place in Canada, 
general Amherst was making all possible exertions 
on the lakes ; but it was the eleventh of October, be- 
fore he had completed the shipping, necessary to 
command the lake, and could be ready to attack the 
enemy. On this day, having the -whole army em- General 
barked in battoes, in excellent order, covered with Amherst 
his shipping, he advanced down the lake to attack a vances * 
the enemy. But the next day the weather became 
so tempestuous, that he was obliged to take shelter in a 
bay, on the western shore, and to disembark the 
troops. While they remained on shore, captain Lor- French 
ing, with his squadron, sailed down the lake, and vessels 
drove three of the French ships into a bay, where es ro * e 
two of them were sunk in deep water and abandoned 
by their crews. The third was run aground and 
abandoned ; but captain Loring repaired and brought 
her away ; so that, excepting one schooner, the 
French were now deprived of all their shipping on 
the lake. After lying windbound for several days, 
general Amherst re-embarked his troops and pro- 
ceeded down the lake ; but the storm, which had 
abated, beginning again with greater violence, and 
the wind blowing with such fury, that the waves ran 
mountain high, he was obliged to return again to the 
same bay, where he had before taken shelter, and to 
ve-land the army. The general convinced, that the 



408 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, season for action was elapsed, and that it was unsafe 

to venture the army on the lake in battoes, returned 

j7 59 to Crown Point. The remaining part of the cam- 
Oct. 21. paign was employed in raising the new fortress at 
Crown Point, with three small out forts for its de- 
fence ; in forming roads for communication between 
Ticonderoga and the governments of Massachusetts 
and New Hampshire; and, in making such dispositions 
for the winter quarters of his troops, as, during the 
winter, should secure the country from all insult and 
damage by the enemy. 

Thus happily closed the ever memorable cam- 
paign of seventeen hundred fifty nine : a campaign, 
the successes of which made ample amends for the in- 
activity and disappointments of former years, and 
whjich will always do the highest honour, not only to 
the generals who commanded, in the several enter- 
prises, but to the whole English nation. By the cap- 
ture of Niagara, Ticonderoga, and Crown Point, and 
especially of Quebec, the remaining part of Canada 
became invested on every side, and entirely cut off 
from all communication with France. The troops 
under Monsieur Levi, at Montreal, and at Trois Ri- 
vieres, with those at the Isle du Noix, could receive 
no recruits of men, provisions, nor military stores. 
The way was opened to advance upon them, in the 
spring, from the lakes Ontario and Champlain, and 
up the St. Lawrence, from Quebec, and presented 
the most flattering prospect of the total reduction of 
Canada. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 4Q$ 



1760. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

State of the garrison at Quebec. Designs of M. Levi. His prepara- 
tions for the siege of the city. Marches with his army from Mon- 
treal. Battle of Sillery. General Murray defeated, and Quebec 
besieged. Lord Colville arrives with the British fleet. The French 
shipping is destroyed, and the siege raised. Plan and movements 
of general Amherst. He goes down the river St. Lawrence. 
Makes a junction with generals Murray and Haviland, at Montre- 
al. The city surrenders, and the whole counti'y of Canada is con- 
quered. War breaks out with the Cherokees. Their lower towns 
destroyed. They take fort Loudon. Colonel Grant desolates their 
country with five and sword. They make peace, and the whole 
country is quieted. 

I T had been supposed, the last year, that Canada chap. 
was, in effect, conquered, by the reduction of Quebec. XIIL 
Indeed, without the conquest of this, it was impossi- 
ble to subdue the country. But experience soon 
taught the English, that more dangers awaited them, 
and that much more remained to complete the ad- 
vantages to which the taking of the capital had giv- 
en an opening, than, at that time, the most sagacious 
had been able to foresee. It soon appeared that 
there was danger of losing that important acquisi- 
tion, which had been made, by such uncommon ex- 
ertions of military prowess, such consummate general- 
ship, in the face of so many dangers, and at the ex- 
pense of so many lives. As soon as possible, after 
the reduction of Quebec, the English fleet retired, 
that they might not be damaged, by the storms us- 
ual at that season, nor freeze up in the river. As in 
the winter, the river would be frozen up, it was 
imagined that no shipping, would be necessary for 
the defence of the city, and consequently no ships 
were left. Lord Colville, with a strong squadron 
remained at Halifax, with orders to visit Quebec 
early in the spring. General Amherst was at New 
York, and so cantoned his troops, as early in the 

Vol. I. 52 



410 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, season, to recommence his operations, for the entire 
XlIL reduction of Canada. With this disposition it was 
17 , i0 imagined, that the English garrison at Quebec would 
be safe and undisturbed. 
Designs of But no sooner was the English fleet withdrawn, 
iemy. ^ an Monsieur Levi conceived the design of recover- 
ing Quebec. The army, which he commanded, was 
superior in numbers to the land force which had 
made the conquest. He had a number of smart frig- 
ates, by which he could entirely command the river. 
He established advanced posts, at Point au Tremble, 
St. Augustine, and Le Calvaire, while the main 
body of his army quartered between Trois Rivieres 
and Jaques Quartier. As Monsieur Levi had form- 
ed the design of attacking Quebec in the winter, and 
carrying it by a coup de main, he provided snow 
shoes, scaling ladders, and whatever might be neces- 
sary for that purpose. He took possession of Point 
Levi, and there formed a magazine of provisions. 
Precau- Governour Murray, on his part, omitted no exer- 
tions of tions, nor precautions, in his power, for the defence 

governour „ . ' . * r ' , x c .-, 

Murray, of the city, nor ior the annoyance or the enemy. 
During the winter he repaired more than five hun- 
dred houses, which had been damaged by the Eng- 
lish shells and cannon, built eight redoubts, raised 
foot banks along the ramparts, opened embrasures, 
and mounted artillery. He blocked up the avenues 
of the suburbs, with a stockade, removed eleven 
months' provisions into the highest parts of the city, 
and formed a magazine of four thousand fascines. 
He posted two hundred men at St. Foix, and four 
hundred at Lorette. A detachment marched to St. 
Augustine, and brought off the enemy's advanced 
guard, disarmed the inhabitants, and brought of great 
numbers of cattle. By these means the motions of 
the French were constantly watehed, and the ave- 
nues to the city secured. As soon as the river froze 
over, he detached a party to Point Levi, who drove 
off the enemy, and took their magazine. He dis- 
armed the inhabitants on the river, and obliged them 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 411 

io take the oath of allegiance. The British govern- C " AP * 
ment was thus maintained over nearly a dozen par- _J^_ 
ishes. 176$ 

By these measures, the out posts were so well 
secured, and the avenues to the city so effectually 
guarded, that Monsieur Levi judged it most pru- 
dent to abandon his first design of attempting to take 
the city by surprise, and not to begin his operations, 
till the spring should open, and he could form a regu- 
lar siege. To be ready for this no pains were spar- 
ed. The French ships were rigged, gallies built, Prepara- 
bombs and bullets cast, fascines and gabions prepar- t J°"e n e m y, 
ed, the militia disciplined and called to arms. From 
the inhabitants of the country M. Levi raised eight 
eomplete battalions. Of the colonists he regimented 
forty companies. General Murray had certain in- 
telligence, that he was determined to undertake the 
siege of Quebec, as soon as the river should be clear- 
ed of ice, so that the frigates and other vessels could 
act. By these he would be able at once entirely to 
command the river. 

In the mean time, the garrison in the city suffer- state of 
ed so extremely, by the coldness of the winter, and ^ f* m " 
for the want of vegetables and fresh provisions, that Quebec. 
before the end of April a thousand soldiers were 
dead of the scurvy and other disorders. Two thou- 
sand more were unfit for service.* The general, 
notwithstanding, detached parties, who surprised the 
enemy's posts at St. Augustine, Maison, Brulee, and 
Le Calvaire. Nearly a hundred prisoners were tak- 
en. Afterwards, the light infantry were despatched 
to take possession of Cape Rogue, and to fortify it, 
to prevent the landing of the enemy at that post, and 
to be near at hand to watch their motions. Besides, 
considering the city as no other than a strong can- 
tonment, he projected a plan of defence, by extend- 
ing his lines, and intrenching his troops on the heights 
of Abraham, at the distance of about a hundred and 

* Rider's Hist. vol. xlvi. p, 168, 169, and Governour Murray's Let- 
ter to Mr. Secretary Pitt, 



vance. 



412 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, sixty rods from the city. These commanded its 
ramparts, and, by a small force, might have been 
1760. defended against a formidable enemy. Fascines 
and every article necessary for the purpose had 
been prepared. In April, the men began to work 
on the projected lines ; but the ground was so fro- 
zen, that it was found impracticable to carry the de- 
sign into execution. 
The ene- No sooner was the frost abated, so as to favour 
my ad- the designs of the enemy, than their provisions, am- 
munition, and heavy baggage fell down the river 
St. Lawrence, under the convoy of six frigates, from 
forty four to twenty six guns. The river was now 
wholly under their command ; a point of great im- 
portance to the enterprise. The enemy landed at 
such places as they pleased. The British posts one 
after another were abandoned, and the detachments 
retired to the city. 

On rhe night of the twenty sixth of April the main 
army of the enemy landed at Point au Tremble. It 
consisted of five thousand regular troops, six thou- 
sand Canadians, and four or five hundred Indians.* 
The numbers afterwards very considerably increas- 
ed, t On the intelligence of the approach of the 
French army, general Murray ordered all the bridges 
over the river Caprouge to be broken down, and se- 
cured the landing places at Sillery and Foulon. The 
next day, finding that the French general had con- 
ceived the design of cutting off his Out posts, which 
had not yet been called in, he marched out, in person, 
with two field pieces, and, taking possession of an 
advantageous situation, defeated his design. Having 
withdrawn his detachments, he retired with little loss 
to the city. 

As the British troops were in the habit of victory, 
and as they had a fine train of artillery, general Mur- 
ray determined,rather than tamely to submit to a siege, 

* Wright's Hist. vol. ii. p. 256, and Rider's, vol. xlvi. p. 169, 170. 
f General Murray, in his letter to the ministry, says, he was besieg- 
ed with 15,000 men. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 413 

to risk a general battle. Accordingly, on the twenty C " AP - 

eighth of April, he marched out with a train of 

twenty field pieces, and the whole number of his 1760- 
effective men, amounting to no more than three thou- 
sand. These he formed on the heights, in the best 
order. On reconnoitring the enemy he perceived, Battle of 
that their van had taken possession of a rising ground ^pS 28. 
in his front, and that the main army was marching 
in a single column unformed. Judging this to be 
the lucky moment, he advanced immediately to the 
attack, before they had formed their line. The Eng- 
lish charged the enemy's van both on the right and 
left with such fury, as soon drove them from the 
eminences, though they were well maintained. The 
van of the French centre gave way, and fell back on the 
main body, which was now forming to support them. 
This checked the pursuit of the English. The light 
infantry were ordered to regain the flanks of the ene- 
my, but they were so furiously charged in the at- 
tempt, that they were obliged to retire into the rear, 
in such a shattered condition, that they could not be 
brought up again during the action. Otway's regi- 
ment, from the body of reserve, were instantly or- 
dered to advance, and sustain the right wing. This 
was so well supported, that the repeated attempts of 
the enemy to penetrate it were in vain. Meanwhile, 
the left brigade of the English dispossessed the 
French of two redoubts, and, for a long time with 
prodigious resolution sustained the whole efforts of 
the enemy's right. This was reinforced by the third 
battalion of royal Americans, who were of the corps 
de reserve, and also by Kennedy's, from the centre. 
The enemy however were able, by a steady and fu- 
rious fire, not only to support their centre, but to 
wheel round, and pour in such fresh and repeated 
force on the flanks of the English, that, notwith- 
standing every exertion of military art and prowess, 
the enemy begein to encompass them in a semicircle, 
and pouring in upon the left a fresh regiment, de 
Rousillon, alter they were fought down, and reduced 



414 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 
XIII. 

1760. 
General 
Murray 
defeated. 



to a handful, in that quarter, they penetrated that 
wing of the English army, and threw it into confu- 
sion. The disorder was soon communicated to the 
right ; and it appeared, that there was the utmost 
danger, that the army would be surrounded and 
taken. As speedy a retreat as possible became 
necessary. In this there were such difficulties, as 
nothing but the magnanimity of the troops, the spirit 
and skill of the general and his officers could over- 
come. They finally gained Quebec. As the action 
continued an hour and three quarters with great ex- 
ertion and spirit on both sides, the loss was very 
considerable. The English lost most of their artillery, 
and not less than a thousand men were killed and 
wounded. The loss of the enemy was double that 
number.* 

General Murray's engaging with such superior 
numbers, in the open field, when he might have act- 
ed with greater security in a fortified city, has been 
censured, as savouring more of youthful impatience, 
and over abounding courage, than of that military 
discretion, which ought to have distinguished a com- 
mander in his critical situation. The reasons giv- 
en by general Murray for his conduct, are incompre- 
hensible. It is not improbable, that as he was a man 
of the most ardent and intrepid courage, passionately 
desirous of glory, and emulous of the character of 
the incomparable Wolfe, that he designed, by one 
bold stroke, so to disable the enemy, as to pave the 
way to the conquest of Canada, by his own force ; 
and, by this means, to raiss himself to the height of 
military glory. Be this as it may, the victory obtained 
by the French, for a while exceedingly elated them, 
both in Europe and America. Indeed, the blow 
was sensibly felt by the English in both countries. 
It was not expected that, after such a defeat, the gar- 
rison would be able to hold out for any considerable 
time. The English fleet was at a great distance, and. 



General Murray in his letter to Mr. Pitt estimates their loss at 2,509. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 415 

general Amherst could afford no immediate assist- c "n P ' 

ance. The acquisition and defence of Quebec in '_ 

less than a year had cost the nation more than 1760. 
three thousand lives, besides a vast expense of mon- 
ey ; and if it were now to be retaken, this would be 
all loss to no purpose ; and the sanguine hopes, that 
Canada would be conquered the next campaign, 
must be all dashed and vanish. 

The French, whose sole hope of success depend- 
ed on the accomplishment of their work, before the 
arrival of a British squadron, lost not a moment in 
improving their victory. The very night succeed- 
ing the battle, trenches were opened before the town. 
Three ships anchored at a small distance below their 
camp, and for several days were employed in landing 
their cannon, mortars, and ammunition. At the 
same time the enemy worked incessantly in their 
trenches before the town. On the 11th of May, 
they opened one bomb battery, and three batteries 
of cannon. The first day they cannonaded the town 
with great vivacity. 

General Murray was not less active in his defence 
of the town, than the enemy were in the siege. The 
defeat which he had received served only to rouse 
him to more strenuous exertions. He was deeply 
sensible, that, if Quebec should be retaken, it would 
be attributed to the rashness of his counsels. He 
knew, that in proportion to the liberality, with which 
the public had heaped honours upon those, who had 
conquered it, they would not fail to pour resentment 
and contempt on the man, by whom it should be 
lost. It did not escape his reflection, that nothing 
makes a worse figure, than unfortunate rashness. 
These ideas, to a mind like his, were so many per- 
petual stings ; and the very feelings, which led him 
to fight the enemy with a weak army, roused him 
to vigilance and activity, in the defence of the city. 

He prosecuted the fortifications, which had been 
suspended by the severity of winter ; and the sol 
diers, by his influence and example, exerted them- 



416 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

& xuf se * ves w * tn ^credible firmness and activity. Out- 

1 works were contrived, and on the ramparts were 

1760. planted a hundred and thirty two pieces of artillery. 
By the time, that the enemy's batteries opened, the 
English were able to maintain such a superior fire, 
as greatly to check, and in a measure to silence them. 
The French were greatly deficient, with respect to 
the number of their cannon, and the weight of their 
metal. Their heaviest cannon seem to have been 
no more than twelve pounders. 

But notwithstanding these circumstances, the relief 
of the town depended on the early arrival of the Eng- 
lish fleet. This was hourly looked for with anxious 
expectation. It was the general opinion, that should 
a French fleet arrive before the English, this import- 
ant acquisition must be lost. 

On the twenty second of April, lord Colville, 
with the fleet under his command, sailed from Hal- 
ifax ; but was retarded by thick fogs, contrary 
winds, and shoals of ice, which floated down the riv- 
er. In the mean time, commodore Swanton, who 
had sailed from England with a small reinforcement 
for Quebec, with two ships, got into the river, and 
landed at the Isle of Beck, the beginning of May. 
Here he purposed to wait for the rest of his squad- 
ron, which had been parted from him on his passage. 
But the Lowestofle, one of his frigates, got into the 
river before him, and, on the ninth of May, to the 
great joy of the garrison, anchored in the bason, and 
gave them intelligence of a British squadron at hand. 
Commodore Swanton, receiving information, that 
Quebec was besieged, sailed up the river, with all 
Commo- possible expedition, and, on the evening of the fif- 
Swanton teenth, anchored above Point Levi. General Mur- 
arrives, ray, wishing for relief, expressed his earnest desire 
May 15. t ] iat t j ie French squadron above the town might be 
removed. The commodore, therefore, ordered two 
frigates, early the next morning, to slip their cables, 
and attack the enemy's fleet. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 417 

No sooner were they in motion, than the French chap. 
ships fled in the utmost disorder. One of their frig- 
ates was driven on the rocks above Cape Diamond ; ir60# 
another ran on shore at Point au Tremble, and was 
burned. The whole fleet was soon destroyed, or 
taken. The enemy were so thunderstruck, at this siege rais- 
unexpected disaster, and the intelligence of an Eng- F,. e nch 
lish fleet in the river, that as soon as the darkness of camp tak- 
the night favoured them, they raised the siege, and en » Ma y 17, 
retreated with the greatest precipitation, leaving their 
artillery, implements, provisions, and their whole 
camp standing. Thirty four pieces of battering 
cannon, ten field pieces, six mortars, their tents, bag- 
gage, stores, and whole camp equipage fell into the 
hands of the English. 

On the nineteenth, lord Colville arrived, and the 
English now became formidable, and capable of act- 
ing offensively against the enemy in that quarter. 
The clouds were dissipated, and the prospect of the 
entire reduction of Canada, by the united operations 
of the English armies, brightened, and continually 
became more and more flattering. 

This happy prospect and the zeal of the colonies, 
induced them seasonably to send into the field their 
full quotas of men. Early in the season, therefore 4 
general Amherst found himself at the head of a re- 
spectable army. His plan was to concentre his 
whole force at Montreal, for the reduction of that 
important city, where the whole remaining force of 
Canada was collected, and whence all the other 
French posts received supplies and support. The 
necessary consequence of the capture of this would 
be the fall of these, and the reduction of the whole 
country. 

To effect this, general Amherst detached general 
Haviland with a good army, to proceed by lake 
George, Crown Point, and lake Champlain, to the 
place of general rendezvous. At the same time, 
general Murray had orders, with all the troops which 
could be spared from, the garrison of Quebec, to ad- 
Vol. T. 53 



418 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, vance towards Montreal by the river St. Lawrence. 
' * The general himself designed with the principal ar- 
1760. m Y to penetrate into Canada, by lake Ontario and 
down the river St. Lawrence. For this purpose, 
captain Loring was detached to cruise on the lake. 
Two armed sloops were prepared for the same pur- 
pose. A great number of battoes and small vessels 
were built for the transportation of the troops, artil- 
lery, provision, implements, and baggage of the army. 
Several regiments, at an early period, were sent for- 
ward, from Albany, to attend these services and make 
the necessary preparations for crossing the lake. 

June 21. j n j une) the general, with the main army, took his 
departure from Schenectada, and proceeded by the 
Mohawk and Oneida rivers, to Oswego. In less 
than three weeks, the general reached this post with 

July 9. the whole army. It consisted of ten thousand regu- 
lar and provincial troops, and a thousand Indians, 
commanded by Sir William Johnson. 

Great had been the difficulties, already surmount- 
ed in conducting such an army with its artillery, 
provisions, and military stores through that vast tract 
of country between Albany and lake Ontario. Oth- 
er generals had spent whole campaigns in effecting 
less than general Amherst had already accomplished. 
Much greater difficulties still remained in transport- 
ing this numerous army, with its necessary supplies, 
in open bouts and gallies, across this vast lake, and 
down the numerous rapids of a mad river. It re- 
quired the greatest caution, and the exactest order, 
lest they should fall foul on each other ; lest they 
should approach too near the shore, or be driven too 
far out on the appearance of a sudden squall or storm 
seasonably to gain the land ; or lest they should not 
be steered and pushed forward with such exactness 
and speed, in shooting the falls, as to prevent their 
turning side ways, oversetting, and dashing in pieces 
among the rocks. But the general, whose calm and 
steady resolution was not unequal to the difficulties 
before him, made all his dispositions with that admir- 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 419 

able method and regularity of military arrangement, ch p. 
which so strongly marked the character of thai great 
commander. After a detachment had been sent for- 1760 
ward, to remove obstructions in the river St. Law- 
rence, and to find the best passage for die boats and 
vessels, the army embarked, and crossed the lake, Aug. 10. 
without any misfortune. Receiving intelligence, 
that one of the enemy's vessels was aground and dis- 
abled, and that another lay off Lagalette, the general 
determined, with the utmost despatch, to go down 
the river to Swegatchie and attack Isle Royal. 

On the seventeenth of August the row gallies fell 
in with the French sloop, commanded by Mr. de la 
Broquerie, who, after a smart engagement, surrender- 
ed to the English gallies. The enemy, with great 
precipitation, retired before the army, till it arrived in 
the neighbourhood of Isle Royal. This was immedi- 
ately so completely invested, that the garrison had 
no means of escape. By the twenty third, two bat- 
teries were opened against the fort, and it was can- 
nonaded in concert by these and the armed vessels in 
the river. Dispositions having also been made for L»i s ie 
an attack, Mr. Ponchant beat a purlev, and surren- Ro . al 
dered on terms ol capitulation. ( i< s, 

As this was a post of singular importance both to >"£ 25. 
command the lake Ontario and to protect the fron- 
tiers of the colonies, the general spent some time in 
repairing the fort, in making every preparation, <i d 
taking every precaution, in his power, for passing his 
troops down the river to Montreal. As all the i>;lls 
lie between this post and that city, this was by far 
the most dangerous part of the enterprise. 

About the same time, general Haviland took pos- 
session of the Isle aii Noix, and, by the directest 
route, was advancing across the country to St. Law- 
rence. General Murray with the British fleet was 
advancing up the river, and subduing the adjacent 
country. The respective armies bore down all be- 
fore them, and the operations of the campaign were 
approaching fast to an important crisis. 



420 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. When the necessary preparations had been made, 
general Amherst proceeded down the river ; but 
1760 notwithstanding all his precaution in passing the 
Loss at the rapids, the stream was so violent, that many of 
Lawrenc 1 ^ e battoes and whale boats turned, went down 
' sideways, and dashed in pieces on the rocks. 
About ninety men, nearly fifty battoes, seventeen 
whale boats, one galley, some artillery, ammunition, 
and provisions were lost. Considering the greatness 
of the embarkation, and the extreme difficulties to 
be encountered, this loss was not very considerable. 
At length, after a tedious, fatiguing, and dangerous 
voyage, of two months and seventeen days after 
Army ar- their departure from Schenectada, the army, with 
rives, great joy, saw the city of Montreal, the object of 
Montr^a? their ar dent wishes, and the happy period of their 
labours and dangers. The troops were immedi- 
ately landed in the best order. No opposition was 
made, excepting from some flying parties, who, 
after exchanging a few shot, fled with precipitation. 
The general marched about six miles from the land- 
ing place, and drew up his army on a plain before 
the city ; where they lay on their arms during the 
night. So surprisingly providential were the mo- 
tions of the several armies, that though they pur- 
sued long and different routes, through an enemy's 
country, where each had numerous difficulties to 
encounter, and in which they had no intelligence 
of each other's operations, they all met, at the same 
Annies time, at the place of general rendezvous. General 
4?m"t;nn Murray landed on the island the same day that 
general Amherst took possession ; and general Havi- 
land, with the army under his command, appeared 
on the south side of the river opposite to the city. 

General Amherst had given orders, that the artil- 
lery should be immediately brought on, from the 
landing place at La Chine, and, in the morning, de- 
termined formally to invest the town. But no sooner 
did the morning appear, than the marquis Vaudreuil, 
governour of Canada, finding himself compassed with 



junction. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 42^ 

armies, addressed a letter to him, demanding a capit- chap. 
uiation. After some letters had passed between the 
general and governour, the demand was granted, on 1760 
terms, which, at the same time, they were favoura- 
ble to the French, did honour to the British arms 
and nation. 

The marquis Vaudreuil had done every thing for 
the defence of Canada, which became a vigilant, faith- 
ful, and magnanimous officer. When ail hopes of the 
recovery of Quebec failed him, he fixed his head 
quarters at Montreal, and used every art and exer- 
tion for its preservation. He not only levied forces^ 
collected magazines, and erected new fortifications 
on the island ; but he had recourse to feigned intel- 
ligence and other arts of delusion, to support the 
depressed spirits of the Canadians.* His chief 
hopes, however, were not placed either in his arts, 
or in the greatness of his strength; but in the diffi- 
culties, which, 01 all sides, attended the entrance of 
Canada. He flattered himself that after the general 
sickness and defeat of the garrison at Quebec, there 
would be little danger from that; quarter. He knew 
the great distance between Albany and Montreal by 
the way of Oswego and St. Lawrence ; and the al- 
most insuperable difficulties of conducting an army 
down so many rifts and rapids, as there were in that 
river between lake Ontario and Montreal. These, 
in conjunction with the impenetrable woods, mo- 
rasses, and mountains, which covered the country, 
through which the armies from New York and New 
England must pass, he hoped would so retard their 
operations and protract the war, that a general pacifi- 
cation would finally save the country. But when he 
found the three armies, in spite of all difficulties, 
forming a junction before the town, consisting of 
more than twenty thousand men, all his hopes were 
dashed, and he saw that his only safety was in capit- 
ulation. The extent of the country was so great, 

* See his circular letter to the miiitia of Canada, preserved in Rider's 
History, vol. xlvi. 



422 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 
XIII. 

1760. 



Montreal 
with all 
Canada 
given up, 
Sept. 8. 



Descrip- 
tion of 
Montreal. 



the interests of the people and the objects of the 
treaty, which it was necessary to attend, and, as far 
as might be, secure, were so man)', that it made the 
capitulation to be a work of considerable time. It 
consisted of nearly sixty articles ; but on the eighth 
of September, it was completed. By this, not only 
Montreal, but all the other French posts in Canada, 
and the whole country, were surrendered to the 
crown of Great Britain. All the troops in Montreal 
and the other posts were allowed the honours of war, 
and were not to be treated strictly as prisoners, but 
to be sent directly to France, on condition of their 
not serving during the war. The capitulation se- 
cured to the inhabitants, of every character, the full 
enjoyment of the Roman Catholic religion, personal 
safety, and property of all kinds. 

Montreal is the second place in Canada, for extent, 
numbers, buildings, commerce, strength, and opu- 
lence. It stands on an excellent and well cultivated 
island, about ten leagues in length, from east to 
west, and nearly four in its greatest breadth. The 
city is built in a quadrangular form, on the bank of 
the river St. Lawrence. The bank, gently rising, 
divides the city into the upper and lower towns. 
Though the ascent from the lower to the upper 
town is so gradual as to be scarcely perceivable, yet 
when you have reached the citadel in the upper, it 
appears entirely to overlook them both, and to com- 
mand the river and the adjacent country. The city, 
on the account of its central situation between Que- 
bec and lake Ontario, became the grand resort of 
the Indian traders, and the staple of their commerce. 
As it is more than three degrees south of Quebec, 
and as the river, in its whole extent, from that city 
to this, inclines very considerably to the south, the 
country is far more pleasant, and the seasons more 
clement, than at the capital. Father Charlevoix says, 
" After passing Richlieu islands one would think he 
were transported into another climate. The air 
becomes softer and more temperate, the country 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 423" 

more level, the river more pleasant, and the banks chap. 
infinitely more agreeable and delightful." 

Before the war, the fortifications of this pleasant 1760i 
city were mean and inconsiderable ; and though ad- 
ditions had been made since, yet there was nothing 
to render the capture of it an enterprise of any great 
difficulty, except that of leading an army through 
such a prodigious and difficult tract of country as 
the English were obliged to pass, that they might 
appear before it, and that here was collected all 
the regular, and most of the provincial, force in Can- 
ada. 

General Amherst had the honour and good for- 
tune of surmounting all difficulties, and of making 
such dispositions, as that, almost without the shed- 
ding of blood, he completed the conquest of Canada. 
Thus in a little more than a century and a half, from 
its first settlement, in the sixth year of the war, af- 
ter the severest struggles, after six general bat- 
tles, this vast country was completely conquered 
by the conjoined arms of Great Britain and her 
colonies. This conquest, if we consider the ex- 
tent and difficulty of the operations, by which 
it was effected, the number of inhabitants,* the 
greatness and fertility of the country subdued, the 
safety it gave to the English colonies in America, 
and the transfer of the whole Indian commerce to the 
merchants of Great Britain, appears to have been one 
of the most important conquests, ever achieved by 
the English arms. 

The accomplishment of so great a work, with so 
little bloodshed, without any considerable accident 
or misfortune, without a single instance of rashness 
or inhumanity, in the commander' in chief, while it 
reflected the highest honour on his military accom- 
plishments, did equal honour to the humanity and 
goodness of his heart. It must be allowed, that he 
was extremely happy, in having subordinate com- 

* These, at the time of the conquest, were estimated at more than 
100,000. 



424 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

C xm ? " man< 3ers, who, with such ability and vigour, seconded 

. him in all his operations ; and in commanding a 

1760. body of regular and provincial troops, whom no la- 
bours could discourage, and whom no dangers could 
dismay. 

But, after all, the principal honour is to be render- 
ed to the Supreme Ruler, whose all-governing 
agency, directed the whole series of these successful 
events. He only could harmonize and direct so 
many hearts and circumstances, in Europe and 
America, by sea and land, as combined their influ- 
ence in this happy event. He never wants means 
to accomplish his own purposes. When, in his 
moral government, great events are to be effected, 
He will qualify and call forth instruments, and guide 
their counsels and operations to the accomplishment 
of his designs. A Moses, Joshua, David, and Cy- 
rus will never be wanting, when the emergencies of 
his people call for such aids. 

The repairing and garrisoning of the several forts, the 
removal of the French troops from Detroit and Mich- 
ilimackinak ; and the replacing of them with Eng- 
lish garrisons ; the preserving of a communication 
between the various distant parts ; and the securing 
of the obedience of the country ; made it necessary, 
for general Amherst and the commanders of the oth- 
er divisions of the arm) 7 , to return by the same routes, 
which they had taken, to form their junction at Mon- 
treal. For the commander in chief this was, in some 
respects, more laborious and difficult, than it had 
been to conduct the army to the place of conquest. 
His shipping, boats, artillery, and baggage were now 
to be carried back against the stream and to be con- 
veyed up the rifts and rapids between Montreal and 
lake Ontario. This laborious and difficult service 
kept the army in constant fatigue, during the re- 
mainder of the campaign, and protracted it nearly to 
the beginning of winter. 

Great and universal was the joy which spread through 
the English colonies, on the conquest of Canada, 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 425 

Public thanksgivings, were generally appointed to chap. 
recognize the divine goodness, and to ascribe due 
honours to Him whose is the greatness and the vie- 1760# 
tory. 

One circumstance however damped the joy, which 
on this occasion, diffused itself through English 
America. This was the commencement of hostili- 
ties, by the Cherokees, on the southern colonies. 
During several of ihe first years of the war, this nu- war with 
merous and powerful nation, had appeared cordially the Cher - 
to espouse the interests of the English. At their okees ' 
desire a fortress had been built in their country, 
called fort Loudon, in honour to the earl of 
Loudon, at that time, commander in chief in 
America. Parties of them had assisted in the late 
expedition against fort du Quesne. But it seems, Reasons of 
that while they were on that enterprise, they were $ lc war - 
treated with such general coolness and neglect, and 
received such insults, as made deep impressions on 
the minds of that vindictive people.* These were 
kindled into flame and outrage, by the treatment 
which they received, from some of the Virginians, 
on their return from that expedition. Many of the 
warriors had lost their horses in that service ; and, 
as they were returning home, through the back parts 
of Virginia, they caught such as they found running 
loose in the woods, not knowing that they belonged 
to any individual in the province. The Virginians, 
instead of legally asserting their rights, fell on the 
unsuspicious warriors, killed twelve or fourteen of 
them, and took several prisoners. The Cherokees 
were highly exasperated at such ungrateful treatment 
from allies, whose frontiers, by their assistance, had 
so lately been turned, from a field of blood, into peace- 
ful habitations. No sooner had they returned, than 
they reported to the nation, the bloody treatment 
which they had received. The flame spread instant- 
ly throueh their towns. The relatives of the slain 

* Wright's Hist. vol. H. p. 241, 242. 

Vol. T. 54 



426 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap. were implacable, and breathed nothing but vengeance 
against such ungrateful and perfidious allies. The 
175y French emissaries added fuel to the flames. In vain 
did the chieftains interpose their authority. Nothing 
could restrain the fury of their young warriors. They 
rushed down on the frontier settlements,and perpetrat- 
ed many cruel ravages and murders on the defence- 
less inhabitants.* 

About two hundred soldiers, under the command 
of captains Demere and Stewart, were stationed at 
fort Loudon. These, on every excursion from the 
fort, were attacked by them : some were killed, and 
the rest soon confined within the limits of the fort. 
All communication between them and the distant 
settlements was cut ofF, and, as their supplies were 
scanty, the only prospects before them were famine 
and death. It was feared, at the same time, that the 
arts of the enemy would influence the powerful, 
neighbouring nation of the Creeks to the same hos- 
tile measures. 

In this alarming situation, governour Littleton 
gave orders to the commanders of the militia, im- 
mediately to assemble their men, and act on the de- 
fensive. The governour determined, with such 
independent companies and militia, as could be rais- 
ed> to march immediately into the enemy's country, 
and to prosecute such measures, as should bring 
them to reasonable terms of accommodation. 
chieftains Notwithstanding what had happened, the Cherokees 
come to were generally averse from war. Hearing therefore of 
tontotreat tne preparations which were making against them,they 
of peace, sent thirty two of their chief men to Charleston, if 
possible, to settle all difficulties, and prevent a war 
with the. Carolinians. They arrived before the gov- 
ernour had marched on the expedition, designed 
against them. A council was called, and the gov- 
ernour addressed them in a haughty speech, import- 
ing, that he knew all their hostilities against the Eng- 

* Hist. S. Carolina, vul. ii. p. 214, 215. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 427 

lish, and what they still designed: That he would PBAf* 
soon be in their country, and they should know his 
demands ; and, that, unless they should be grantee:, 1759 
he would take satisfaction by force of arms. He 
assured them, nevertheless, that as they were come 
to Charleston as friends, to treat of peace, they 
should go home in safety, and that an hair of their 
head should not be touched. At the same time he 
gave intimations, that he had so many men in arms, 
in different parts of the province, that it would be 
unsafe for them to return, unless they marched with 
the army, which was going into their country. Ou- 
connostota, who had the name of the great warrior 
of the Cherokee nation, began an immediate reply; 
but as the governour was determined, that nothing 
should prevent his expedition, he would neither hear 
him speak, in the defence of his nation, nor with 
respect to any overtures of peace. Lieutenant gov- Their m 
ernour Bull, who had a much better acquaintance tieatment ' 
with the manners of the Indians, and the dangerous 
consequences of an Indian war, urged the necessity 
of hearing the great warrior, and the happy conse- 
quences of an accommodation, before more blood 
should be spilt. But governour Littleton was in- 
flexible, and put an end to the conference without 
hearing the warriors. They highly resented this 
treatment. After such a number of them had trav- 
elled more than three hundred miles to make peace, 
not only to be disappointed with respect to the great 
object of their journey, but not to be allowed to 
speak on the subject, was matter of prodigious cha- 
grin, and a source of jealousy and fear. 

Soon after the conference, the governour marched 
for the Congarees. This was about a hundred and 
forty miles from Charleston, and the place of general 
rendezvous for the militia. Hither the sachems 
marched with the army, putting on the appearance 
of content, while inwardly they were burning with 
fury and resentment. The governour having mus- October. 
tered about fourteen hundred men, of whom about 



428 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 
XIII. 

1759. 



Treaty of 
peace 
opened, 
Dec. 18. 



three hundred were regulars, marched for fort Prince 
George. When the army marched, the chieftains 
were all made prisoners ; and, to prevent their escape, 
a captain's guard was mounted over them. To 
complete their indignity and ill treatment, when the 
army arrived at fort Prince George, the thirty two 
chieftains were shut up in a hut scarcely fit for the 
accommodation of half a dozen soldiers. They were 
not allowed to speak with their friends, nor even to 
see the light of day.* 

When the governour had advanced as far as this 
post, he found his army so ill armed and disciplined, 
and so discontented and mutinous, that he judged it 
unsafe to proceed further against the enemy. Here 
therefore he opened a congress with the Indians. 
For this purpose he had previously sent for Attakul- 
lakulla, otherwise Little Carpenter, who was not on- 
ly esteemed the wisest man in the nation, but the 
most firmly attached to the English. This old 
warrior, though just returned from an excursion 
against the French, in which he had taken a number 
of prisoners, hastened to the governour's camp, and 
presented him with one of the captives. 

The governour opened the congress with a long 
and pompous speech, representing the great power 
of the English, their victories over the French, the 
treaties between them and the Cherokees, their 
breach of those treaties, and the power of the col- 
onies to destroy them ; and, in a threatening and 
high tone, demanding satisfaction. 

Attakullakulla, in his reply, insisted, that the bad 
treatment his countrymen had received in Virginia, 
was the immediate cause of the present misunder- 
standing. He declared his friendship to the English, 
and alleged in proof of it, his fatiguing march against 
their enemies, the French. He said he would ever 
continue his friendship, and use all his influence, that 
the governour should have satisfaction, but he gave 

* Hist. S. Carolina, vol. ii. p. 216, 217, 213, 225. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 429 

intimations that the nation would not comply with chap. 
his demands. He said that the governour had treat- XI1L 
ed the Cherokees with more severity than the Eng- 1759 
lish had shewn to other Indians. He requested, that 
some of the head men, whom the governour had 
confined, might be released to assist him in the 
work of peace. 

In compliance with his request, the governour re- 
leased the great warrior Ouconnostota, and two more 
of the head men. The next day they delivered up 
two Indians. The governour putting them imme- 
diately in irons, so alarmed the Cherokees, that they 
fled out of the way and no more could be obtained. 
Attakullakulla, convinced that peace could not be 
obtained, on the governour's terms, determined to 
return home, and patiently wait the event. But no 
sooner was the governour apprised of his departure, 
than he sent for him back to his camp. The gov- Articles 
ernour wishing to finish the campaign with as much n Sne <26 
credit as possible, immediately, on his return, talked 
of nothing but peace. Articles were drawn, and 
signed by the governour and six of the head men 
of the Cherokees. All former treaties were confirm- 
ed ; twenty two of the Cherokee chieftains, whom 
the governour had seized, were to be kept as hos- 
tages, till such a number of Indians, who had been 
guilty of murder should be delivered up to the chief 
commander of the province. It was stipulated, That 
there should be an open and free trade as usual: 
That the Cherokees should kill or take every French- 
man who should come among them, and hold no in- 
tercourse with the enemies of Great Britain.* 

Scarcely had the governour finished the treaty, 
when the small pox broke out in his camp. Few of 
the army had been infected with the disease, and the 
physicians were wholly unprovided for such an event. 
The men were struck with a general terror, and with 
"he utmost haste returned to their respective settle 

* Rider's Hist. vol. xlvi. p. 149, 150, 



430 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

C xm' ments ' Such was the fear which each had of his 

' m fellow, that all intercourse, on the return, was cau- 

ir60i tiously avoided* By this means the men suffered 
exceedingly with hunger and fatigue. The govern- 
our soon followed them, and arrived safely at Charles- 
ton. Here, though a drop of blood had not been 
spilt, nor scarcely any thing achieved, but what was 
highly perfidious and inglorious, he was received as 
a conqueror. From different societies and profes- 
sions he received the most flattering addresses. By 
illuminations and bonfires, the citizens expressed the 
high sense, which they entertained of his services, 
and of the happy consequences of his expedition. 

However, the delusion soon vanished, and it ap- 
peared, that the governour, by his conduct, had 
greatly injured, instead of serving the public. When 
the chieftains came to Charleston they were sincere- 
ly desirous of an accommodation. Peace might, 
doubtless, have been made on terms just and hon- 
ourable. But by the treatment he gave the messen- 
gers of peace, both they and the nation were stung 
to the heart. An Indian values his freedom above 
all things, and with him, a breach of promise is a 
crime of the first magnitude. Though nothing ap- 
peared against the chieftains, though they had made 
a journey of many hundred miles to make peace, 
and though the governour had given them ample 
promises of safety and good treatment, yet he had 
treacherously deprived them of their liberty, and 
treated them not only with perfidy but inhumanity. 
He had obtained the appearance of peace, by taking 
one of those base and unjustifiable advantages, which 
low craft and policy often practise on the weakness 
and simplicity of unfortunate neighbours. This 
treatment had converted their desires for peace into 
the bitterest resentment, and a general rage for war. 
Attakullakulla, by reason of his known attach- 
ment to the English, had little influence with his 
countrymen. Ouconnostota, whose influence was 
great, was now become an implacable and vindictive 



UNITED STATES OP AMERICA. 43^ 

enemy. He determined to follow the example of chap. 
the governour, and to repay meanness and perfidy XI1I ~ 
in their own kind. No attention was paid to the 1760 
treaty, but Ouconnostota, collecting a strong party, The treaty 
killed fourteen men in the neighbourhood of fort ,s d ' sr f " 
Prince George, surrounded the fort, and confined 
the garrison to their works. Finding that he could 
make no impressions on the fort, he contrived a 
stratagem for its surprisal, and the relief of his 
countrymen, who were there in confinement. 

As the country was covered with woods and dark Ouconnos 
thickets, it was favourable to his purposes. Having tota ' s 
concerted his measures, two Indian women, who gem. 
were known to be always welcome at the fort, made 
their appearance, on the other side of the river, to 
decoy the garrison. Lieutenant Dogharty went out 
to them, to inquire what news. While he was con- 
versing with the women, Ouconnostota joined them, 
and desired Dogharty to call the commanding officer, 
saying that he had matters of importance to commu- 
nicate to him. Accordingly captain Cotymore, en- 
sign Bell, Dogharty, and Foster, their interpreter, 
went out to him. He said, that he was going to 
Charleston to procure the release of the prisoners, 
and wished for a white man for a safeguard. The 
captain told him he should have a safeguard. No He decoys 
sooner had he received the answer, than turnine and andkllls 

, o the com- 

giving a signal, nearly thirty guns were fired from mander. 
different ambuscades. The captain was killed, and 
Bell and Foster were wounded. In consequence of 
this, orders were given that the hostages should be 
put in irons. In attempting this one of the soldiers 
was killed, and another wounded. These circum- Hostages 
stances so exasperated the garrison, that, without are butch- 
hesitation, they fell on the unfortunate hostages, and ered ' 
butchered them in a manner too shocking to relate. 
In the evening the Indians approached the fort, 
and, after firing signal guns and crying aloud, in the 
Cherokee language, " Fight manfully and you shall 
be assisted," thev commenced a furious attack on 







432 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

the garrison, and kept up their fire the whole night. 
But they were so warmly received, that they were 
obliged to give over the attack. 

Disappointed in their design on the fort, and find- 
ing that their chieftains were slain, they wreaked 
their vengeance on the English traders in their coun- 
try. These they butchered, to a man, without mer- 
cy or distinction. In the massacre of the hostages, 
the Cherokees had not only lost a great number of 
their head men, but most of them had lost a friend 
or relation. Nothing therefore could exceed the re- 
sentment and rage of the nation. The leaders of 
every town seized the hatchet, proclaiming to their 
fellows, that the spirits of murdered brothers were 
flying round them, and calling for vengeance on their 
War be- enemies. With one voice the nation declared for 
ffenenii war ' Large parties of warriors, from different towns, 
rushed down on defenceless families, on the fron- 
tiers of Carolina, where men, women, and children, 
without distinction, fell a sacrifice to their merciless 
rage. At Long Canes, and about the forks of Broad 
river, they made terrible carnage among the inhab- 
itants, who, trusting to the late peace, were reposed 
in perfect security.* 

About two hundred of the enemy made a furious 
attack on the fort at Ninety Six : but they were 
obliged to retire with considerable loss. This they 
revenged on the open country, ravaging the English 
houses in that quarter, and all along the frontiers of 
Virginia. They were not satisfied barely with pil- 
laging and destroying the inhabitants, but they wan- 
toned in the most horrible acts of barbarity. Many, 
who fled into the woods, and escaped the scalping 
knife, perished with hunger. Those, who were 
made prisoners, were carried into the wilderness, 
where they suffered inexpressible hardships. So 
secret and "sudden were the motions of the enemy, 
that it was impossible to tell where the storm would 

'• Hist. S. Carolina, vol. it. p. 225, 229. Rider's Hist. vol. xlvi f 
153, 156. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 433 

fall, or to take the precautions necessary to prevent chap. 
the mischief. Every day brought to the capital Xm ' 
fresh accounts of their murders and desolations. 1760 

The southern colonies were all alarmed, and appli- 
cation was made in the most pressing terms to gen- 
eral Amherst, for immediate assistance. He des- Coi.Mont- 
patched colonel Montgomery to Carolina, with a £ omer y 
detachment of twelve hundred chosen men. Carolina. 

On his arrival at Charleston, he advanced with as Arrives in 
much expedition as pobbible to Ninety Six. As the A P ril * 
conquest of Canada was the great object of this cam- 
paign, the colonel's orders were, to strike a sudden 
blow, for the relief of Carolina, and then to return, 
without loss of time, to head quarters at Albany. 
Nothing was therefore omitted by the colony, which Conduct 
was judged necessary to forward the expedition. on^Vhis 
As governour Littleton had been appointed govern- arrival. 
our of Jamaica, the government devolved on gov- 
ernour Bull, a man of singular erudition and integ- 
rity. He spared no pains for the defence of the 
(province- The whole force of it was collected, and 
rendezvoused at the Congarees, for the assistance of 
the colonel in the enterprise. Several gentlemen of 
■fortune formed themselves into a company of volun- 
teers, and joined the army. Application had been 
made to the neighbouring provinces of North Carolina 
and Virginia for assistance. In consequence of 
which, seven companies of rangers were raised, to 
patrole the frontiers, and prevent the savages from 
penetrating further down among the settlements. 
Presents were voted to such of the Creeks, Chicke- 
saws, and Catawbaws, as should join the province 
in the war against the Cherokees.* Thus assisted, 
by the beginning of June, he advanced to twelve 
mile river. He prosecuted his route, by forced His expe- 
marches, till he arrived in the neighbourhood of|^°" t ^ e 
Keowee. Here he encamped, in a strong position ; chero- 

kees. 
* Hist. S. Carolina, vol. ii. p. 223, 230, 231. 

Vol. I. 55 



434 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



chap, and imagining that the enemy were not apprized of 
XiIL his coming, ht determined to surprise them. Leav- 
1W6U ing his camp under a sufficient guard, he marched 
through the woods, twenty five miles towards the 
town of Estatoe. On his march he detached a com- 
pany of light infantry to destroy Little Keowee. The 
li«ht infantry were received at Keowee with a smart 
fire, but, rushing in with their bayonets, they put all 
the men to death. In the morning the main body 
reached Estatoe ; but it was abandoned, just as they 
entered the town. Such of the men, as had not 
made their escape, were instantly put to the 
Their sword. The women and children were captivated. 
towns de- The town, consisting of two hundred houses, well 
stroyed. s t orec l with provisions, ammunition, and all the ne- 
cessaries of life, was immediately plundered, and 
then reduced to ashes. Some of the enemy, who 
had secreted themselves in their dwellings, were con- 
sumed with them. The colonel pursued the blow 
he had begun, with surprising rapidity. In a few 
hours Sugar town, as large as Estatoe, shared with 
it in the same fate. Every settlement in the lower 
nation was thus destroyed. About sixty Indians 
were killed, and forty women and children made 
prisoners. The rest escaped to »he mountains. 
Their towns and villages were agreeably situated, 
and consisted generally of about a hundred houses, 
neatly built, and well supplied with provisions. 
There were large magazines of corn consumed in 
the general conflagration. Such had been the cruel- 
ties practised on the inhabitants, that the soldiers 
were deaf to all suggestions of mercy.* 

Colonel Montgomery having taken such vengeance 
on the enemy, marched for the relief of fort Prince 
George, - which the savages for sometime had so 
closely invested, that the garrison were in great dis- 
tress, both for the want of wood and provisions. 

* Rider's Hist. vol. xlvi. p. 157- 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 435 

At this post he arrived in safety, having lost not chap. 
more than five or six men in the expedition. 

From this post two Indians were despatched to 1/60 
acquaint the Cherokees, that if their chief men would Message 
come down and treat of an accommodation, peace ^ > , tl *, e 
should be granted them, on the account of the Little kees. 
Carpenter, and his many good services to the Eng- 
lish. At the same time, they were to assure them, 
that, unless they should, in a few days, begin a ne- 
gotiation, ail the towns in the upper nation would be 
ravaged and reduced to ashes.* A messenger was 
also sent to fort Loudon, requesting the command- 
ing officers to use their best endeavours for the ob- 
taining of peace with the Cherokees of the upper 
towns. 

Messages of peace producing no good effects, the col. Mont- 
colonel determined to make an attack on their mid- gomery 
die settlements. He immediately began his march, J^nst* 
but his success in this enterprise, was no ways equal themiddle 
to that in his former. The enemy watched all his settl f- 

11 J . ments, 

motions, and took every advantage and opportunity jnne 24. 
to distress him on his march. On the third day, 
as the army was advancing through a dangerous Battle, 
ground, the enemy attacked him in the most furious June 27. 
and obstinate manner. They commenced the action 
with their usual horrible screams and outcries, main- 
taining a severe fire from under cover. The troops 
were ranged in the most judicious manner, and firm- 
ly stood the enemy's charge. The fight was long, 
obstinate, and well maintained on both sides. At 
length the colonel making a movement, which 
brought the royal Scots upon their right, the enemy 
gave way and fled. The captain of the rangers, and 
about twenty men, were killed, and nearly eighty 
wounded. It was supposed that the enemy lost 
about forty men.f The army pushed forward, 
about five miles, the succeeding evening, to Etcho- 
wee, one of the most considerable towns in the mid- 

* Rider's Hist. vol. xlvi. p. 159. | Wright's Hist. vol. ii. p. 343, 



436 A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, die settlements. But the Indians had removed their 
... most valuable effects, and forsaken the town The 

1760. colonel was able to do them no other injury, than 
to destroy a defenceless town. Here they attacked 
his piquet guard with such fury, that they were re- 
pulsed with difficulty. They also gave him repeat- 
ed annoyance, by their vollies from the surrounding 
hills. Though he had gained the field, and been 
able to advance after the action, yet it had the effect 
The colo- f a defeat. So many of his men had been wound- 
treats" e d> an d so many of his horses killed, that he found a 
retreat absolutely necessary, to save the wounded 
men from the massacre of the enemy. In the be- 
ginning of July, he returned to fort Prince George. 
The expedition had cost him five officers, and about 
a hundred men, killed and wounded. 
Leaves He now supposed, that his orders obliged him to 

Carolina. re t lUTJj with the troops under his command, and re- 
join the main army. To the consternation of the 
whole country, this was found to be his determina- 
tion. The intreaties of the province, however, pre- 
vailed with him to leave about four hundred men, to 
assist in the defence of the frontiers. 

Carolina and the neighbouring colonies were again 
exposed to the fury of a merciless foe, not so 
much weakened as exasperated, by their late chas- 
tisement. Fort Loudon soon fell into the hands of 
the enemy. They had assembled in strong bodies, 
and formed the blockade of it nearly a month before 
the departure of colonel Montgomery. They were 
now left, without molestation, to continue it with 
their whole force. The garrison held out about two 
Fort Lou- months, till their provisions were totally consumed, 
renders" ^ ne enemv manifested pacific dispositions, and 
Aug. 7. promised kind treatment. These circumstances in- 
fluenced them to surrender on honourable conditions, 
But the enemy, regardless of faith or humanity, 
fell upon them, in their march homeward, and 
butchered all the officers, excepting captain Stuart;, 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 437 

and twenty five of the soldiers. The rest were car- chap. 
ried into a horrible captivity. XIU * 

Captain Stuart owed his life to the invincible at- 176@ 
tachment of Attakullakulla. He ransomed him, at 
the expense of all he could command, and with un- 
common art and pains, conducted him in safety to 
his friends. 

While the Cherokees were thus distressing Caro- General 
lina and the southern frontiers of Virginia, the Eng- ^[ l " b ™* 
lish interest was firmly established on the Ohio, by estheEng- 
the prudent and vigorous conduct of major general lish mXe , r ~ 

est on the 

Stanwix. He had greatly strengthened the post at omo. 
Pittsburg, by repairing and enlarging the fortifica 
tions ; and by erecting store houses and barracks 
for a respectable garrison. With great diligence 
and success he had cultivated friendship and made 
alliances with the Indians in that vicinity. The hap- 
py consequences of these measures were soon ap- 
parent, in a considerable trade between the Indians 
and the merchants at Pittsburg ; and in the return 
of nearly four thousand planters to the quiet posses- 
sion of the lands, whence they had been driven, 
on the frontiers of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsyl- 
vania.* 

The Cherokees still continuing hostile, and South 
Carolina having already expended more than fifty 
thousand pounds sterling, in the defence of the fron- 
tiers, without gaining any considerable point, lieu- 
tenant governour Bull made application, a second 
time, to general Amherst for assistance. Mean- 
while the royal Scots with the militia were posted 
on the frontiers for their defence. But, as the Creeks 
had murdered several of the English, and made 
no proposals for satisfaction, and as the French were 
employing all their arts, both with them and the 
Choctaws, to engage them in the war, the province 
was under the most dreadful apprehensions. f 

* Rider's Hist, vol xlvi, p. 164. f Hist. S. Car. vol. ii. p. 235,236,244 



438 



A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 



CHAP. 
XIII. 

1761. 



Colonel 
Gram ar- 
rives witii 
the High- 
landers in 
Carolina, 
Jan. 1761. 



Expedi- 
tion a- 
gainst the 
Chero- 
kee s. 



The army 
inarches 
to fort 
Prince 
George, 
May 27. 



From 
thence, 
June 7. 



As Canada was now conquered, the commander 
in chief could more conveniently spare a force ade- 
quate to the purpose of humbling the savages. The 
highlanders were therefore ordered again for Caro- 
lina. The active and brave colonel Montgomery, 
who commanded them, on the former expedition, 
was now embarked for England. He was brother to 
the earl of Eglinton, and afterwards succeeded him 
in his honours. His affairs requiring his return, the 
command of the regiment devolved on lieutenant 
colonel James Grant. He landed at Charleston 
with his regiment the beginning of the year seventeen 
hundred sixty one. The troops took up their win- 
ter quarters in the town. 

It was determined, if possible, to give the Indians 
so severe a correction the ensuing campaign, as 
should induce them to peace. The province, there- 
fore, determined to make the utmost exertions. A 
provincial regiment was raised under the command 
of colonel Middleton. Presents were made to the 
Indian allies, and numbers of the Chickesaws and 
Catawbaws were engaged in the service. The ar- 
my were clothed and armed in the best manner for 
the service, in which they were engaging. 

In May, the army consisting of two thousand 
and six hundred men, advanced to fort Prince 
George. Here Attakullakulla, having got intelli- 
gence of the force advancing against his nation, met 
colonel Grant, and repeatedly intreated him by his 
friendship and many good services to the English, to 
proceed no further, till he had once more used his 
influence with his nation to bring them to an accom- 
modation. But colonel Grant would not listen to 
his solicitations. He immediately began his march 
for the middle settlements. A party of ninety In- 
dians, and thirty woodmen painted like Indians, 
marched in front of the army and scoured the woods. 
After them followed the light infantry, and about 
fifty rangers, consisting of about two hundred men. 
By the vigilance and activity of these, the colonel 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 439 

designed to secure the main body from annoyance chap. 
and surprise. During three days he made ibrced 
marches that he might pass several dangerous defiles 1761 . 
which might cost him dear, should the enemy first 
get the possession, and warmly dispute the passage. 
These he passed without annoyance. But the next 
day, finding suspicious grounds on all sides, orders 
were given that the army should prepare for action, 
and that the guards should advance slowly, doubling 
their circumspection. As the army advanced in 
this cautious manner, about eight o'clock in the 
morning, the enemy were discovered, by the advanc- 
ed guard, nearly in the same ground, where they 
attacked coloned Montgomery the preceding year. 
Rushing down from the high grounds they furiously BatUe 
attacked the advanced guard. These were supported Etchoe, 
and the action became general. A party of the ene- June 10. 
my driven from the low grounds immediately ascend- 
ed the hills under which the whole line was obliged 
to pass. On the left was a river, from the opposite 
banks of which they received a heavy fire as they ad- 
vanced. While the line faced and gave their whole 
charge to the Indians on the bank of the river a par- 
ty was ordered to ascend the hills and drive the ene- 
my from the heights. No sooner were they dis- 
lodged from the heights, than they returned with re- 
doubled ardour to the charge in the low grounds. 
These it appeared their determination obstinately to 
dispute. The situation of the troops soon became 
critical and distressing. They had been greatly fa- 
tigued, by forced marches, in rainy weather. They 
were galled by the fire of the enemy, so compass- 
ed with woods, that they could neither discern nor 
approach them, but with the greatest difficulty and 
danger. When they were pressed, they always kept 
at a distance, but rallying returned again with the 
same fierceness and resolution to the charge. No 
sooner were they driven from one place, than 
they sprang up like furies in another. While he at- 
tention of the colonel was drawn 10 the enemy on 



44Q A GENERAL HISTORY OF THE 

chap, the banks of the river, and employed in driving them 

from their lurking places on that side, so furious an 

ir61 attack was made on his rear guard, that he was 

obliged to order a detachment back to its relief, to 

save his cattle, provision, and baggage. From nine 

to eleven o'clock, did the enemy maintain the 

action. Every where the woods resounded with the 

roar of arms and the hideous shouts and yells of sav- 

The Cher. a g es * At l eil g ta tne Cherokees gave way, but as 

okecs de- they were pursued they kept up a scattering shot till 

feated. two ' c i oc k. They then wholly disappeared.* 

What loss the enemy sustained is not known, that 
of colonel Grant was about sixty men in killed and 
wounded. The army advanced as soon as possible, 
and, about midnight, arrived at Etchoe, a large In- 
Their diaxi town.. The next day it was reduced to ashes. 
settle- 6 There were fourteen other towns in the middle set- 
ments de- dements, all which shared the same fate. The ene- 
stroyed. m y> s magazines, and their corn fields, amounting to 
not less, than fourteen hundred acres, were utterly 
destroyed. The miserable inhabitants stood the silent 
spectators of the general destruction ; and were ob- 
liged to retire, to starve in the thickets and moun- 
tains, f Nearly the same barbarities were practised 
towards them, by a civilized and christian people, of 
whit h we so loudly complain, when, in their manner 
of warfare, they are practised against us. What a scene 
of blood and desolation, both with respect to them 
and the colonies, was the consequence of a haughty, 
bloody, and treacherous treatment of the Indians, by 
a few imprudent and base people among ourselves. 
Unjust and bloody measures often meet a recom- 
pense in their own way. As the consequences of 
an Indian war are nothing but merciless carnage and 
desolation, on both sides, every motive of humanity 
and good policy require, the strictest guard and pre- 
caution against it, and that the natives be treated 
with justice, condescension, and humanity. 

* Hist. S. Car. vol. ii. p. 248, 250. | Rider, vol. xlviii. p. 63, 64. 



UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 441 

After nearly thirty days had been spent in works chap. 
of destruction, the army returned to fort Prince 
George. The various hardships it had endured in the 176l 
wilderness, from watching, heat, thirst, danger, and 
fatigue, hardly admit of description. The feet and 
legs of many of the soldiers were so mangled, and 
their spirits so exhausted, that they were utterly in- 
capacitated to proceed on their march. Colonel 
Grant determined therefore to encamp, a while, at 
this post, both for the refreshment of his men, and to 
get intelligence with respect to resolutions of the 
enemy. 

Soon after his arrival, Attakullakulla and several 
other chieftains of his nation, came to the camp and 
expressed their wishes for peace. Articles were 
drawn and interpreted to the warriors. Attakulla- 
kulla readily agreed to them all, but one, which, he 
said, he had no authority from the nation to grant. 
This was a demand of four Cherokees to be deliver- 
ed up and put to death in the front of the army, or 
four green scalps to be delivered within twelve nights. 
As the chieftains could not grant this they were 
sent to Charleston to know whether the governour 
would abate this rigorous article. 

Governour Bull and his council, met them at Ash- 
ley Ferry. The governour spoke to them in this 
friendly manner, " Attakullakulla, I am glad to see 
you, and as I have always heard of your good 
behaviour, that you have been a good friend to 
the English, I take you by the hand, and not only 
you but all those with you also, as a pledge of 
their security whilst under my protection. Colonel 
Grant acquaints me that you have applied for peace ; 
now that you are come, I have met with my beloved 
men, to hear what you have to say, and my ears are 
open for that purpose." Then a fire was kindled, 
the pipe of peace was lighted up, and, for sometime, 
all smoked together in great silence and solemnity. 

Attakullakulla then rose and addressed the gov- 
ernour, in a manly and beautiful speech, represent- 

Vol. I. 56 



442 A GENERAL HISTORY, &q. 

chap, ing his joy at seeing the governour, that he was come 
as a messenger of peace ; that his people were in 
1761. great distress ; and that though the English were su- 
perior to them, and lived in light, while they were in 
darkness; yet that one God was the father of both j 
that they lived in one country, and that he wished 
what had happened might be forgotten, and they 
might live as one people. Peace was established, 
and both parties expressed their wishes, that it might 
continue as long as the rivers should run, or the sun 
shine. 

The whole North America continent appeared 
now to be quieted. The colonies nevertheless were 
called upon to furnish their quotas during the war. 
Much remained to be done, in repairing and erect- 
ing forts, building barracks, and storehouses, and in 
putting the country into a proper situation to main- 
tain the conquests which had been made. Prodig- 
ious was the labour and expense, which, in this and 
the next year, were bestowed on the fortifications 
and buildings at Crown Point. The works to be 
accomplished and the garrisons to be maintained, 
employed the regular and provincial troops, during 
the whole of this campaign. 



END OE THE FIRST VOLUME. 



442 

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